dition of the operative classes seems on the whole to have somewhat improved; the greater part of the mechanic arts, however, being useless to the barbarian hordes which then ruled Europe, were utterly lost; those only being preserved, which even in that imperfect state of society were indispensable; and which, being exercised by a comparatively small number of persons, were prized accordingly. The worker in iron seems, as may be expected, to have been held in special esteem. Without him indeed their rude communities could not have held together. He made their swords, their spears, their axes, the iron work of their wagons, and their defensive armor; their only civilization in fact was that of the anvil and the forge. We learn therefore that the office of the king's chief smith was one of considerable dignity, and at the court of the kings of Wales his place at table was next to the royal chaplain.

As the wandering tribes of barbarians gradually settled down into regularly organized governments, the mechanic arts were by degrees recovered, until they attained some resemblance to what they anciently were, although in certain particulars we do not seem even yet, with all the resources of modern science, to have fully recovered what was lost. When the feudal system became perfected, mechanics again lost their social rank, and notwithstanding that many handicrafts were exercised in considerable perfection, their professors ceased to be held in esteem, and were treated with that capricious tyranny which belonged to the age; being munificently rewarded one day, to be plundered and perhaps murdered the next. Individual rights were totally disregarded, and life and property became so insecure, amid the universal robbery which every petty noble considered his privilege, that the inhabitants of the towns in

various countries of Europe, were compelled to organize themselves into armed communities for the common defence; and after a long contest the feudal nobles, finding that the free cities could not be conquered, were obliged to recognize their privileges, and treat with them as independent powers.

This struggle commenced at different times in various countries. The Lombard cities, it is supposed, first became republican in the eleventh century, and there, as in Tuscany also, we find them making war upon and reducing the neighboring nobles to subjection; so that in the twelfth century there was scarcely a noble family in those parts of Italy which did not profess allegiance to some city. In France, some of the towns possessed charters as early as the twelfth century; and in Germany, about the same time, they gradually obtained their privileges; sometimes by purchase, sometimes by force. With the political history of this movement we have nothing to do; but it is interesting to us as mechanics to notice the fact, that in the free republics of Italy, the communes of France, and the free cities of Germany, the artisan was a free man, enjoying the right of suffrage, and eligible generally to the magistracy. We find everywhere also the same division of the operatives into guilds or companies, each with its own peculiar organization, and electing its own officers, civil and military. The odious feudal customs, which had for centuries ground the common people into the dust, were universally abolished, and life and property were apparently as perfectly secured as with us at the present day. In his social capacity also the mechanic was as much respected, and his importance in the community as universally admitted.

But this state of things could not last, as it was in advance of the intelligence of the people, who, ignorant, and brutal, and turbulent, were always ripe for those contests of opposing factions, which ambitious dema gogues were then, as now, continually on the watch to excite, and turn to their own account. Thus within the walls citizen was ever struggling against citizen, and party against party; while without, city warred against city, and province against province, until a reäction again took place, and wearied with never-ending contention, the tired republics of Italy were glad to purchase tranquillity at the expense of liberty. In France, also, the result was the same, and the more reflecting citizens soon found that they had thrown off the yoke of their feudal lords, only to bend beneath another scarcely less oppressive, namely, the tyranny and cupidity of their own magistrates, sustained constantly by a large portion of the people, too ignorant to know their own rights, and too vicious to respect the rights of others. Under these circumstances, commune after commune petitioned the king to resume their charters, which he was always graciously pleased to do, and thus the mechanics of the cities sunk back into the social nothingness from which they had emerged. A blow however had been struck, from which the aristocracy never recovered; and although mechanics lost their social position, they had gained immensely compared with their condition in former ages, by the increased security which was now given to the exercise of their professions, and also that the absolute personal slavery which was the cause of their original revolt, was done away for ever. In thus tacitly acknowledging themselves unfit for self government, they afford also the useful lesson, that intelligence

and virtue are the only sufficient pillars of a republic, and that although, for an instructed and moral people who can appreciate the blessing, a free constitution is unquestionably the best form of government, yet for an ignorant and vicious one, it is as unquestionably the

worst.

Leaving this part of history, which, instructive as it is, does not so particularly interest us as that of our own ancestors, we shall confine ourselves for the present to the consideration of our subject as it relates to Great Britain.

The original inhabitants of our parent island, the ancient Britons, rude as history describes them, and torn continually by intestine wars, were yet not entirely barbarous. They had before the Roman invasion attained considerable proficiency in the working of metals, of bronze at least, of which their weapons and domestic implements were formed. This is proved not only by the evidence of history, but also by specimens which are occasionally discovered even at the present day. Their war chariots were formidable enough to throw the steel clad Romans frequently into confusion: they were no mean tacticians, their troops were regularly drawn up in battle, and many of their chiefs were capable of directing the movements of an army, and of forming the regular and systematic plan of a campaign. They had a sort of money composed of metal rings, so accurately balanced, that each of the larger is uniformly found to be exactly equal in weight to a certain number of the smaller. They understood the use of the mechanic powers, the lever at least, as is proved by the vast temples or pillared circles now remaining: immense stones are yet seen so perfectly balanced upon a pivot, that the strength of one man can move the weight of many tons.

One in Cornwall called Constantine Tolman, is an enormous mass of thirty-three feet in length, fourteen and a half deep, and eighteen and a half across. It is placed due east and west, resting upon two smaller stones, and its weight is computed at seven hundred and fifty tons. The removal of a mass like this by so rude a people is astonishing, and would severely try even the utmost resources of modern science.

The condition of the operative class, if there was one among them, did not differ probably from what it usually is among rude nations; and their domestic furniture, their habits and mode of living, presented no doubt, like those of all half civilized communities, a mixture of rudeness and barbaric decoration.

The Roman conquest came, however, and with it the arts and civilization of the conquerors; who, following out their wise policy of neither seeking to exterminate nor reduce to slavery the nations they conquered, soon covered the land with cities, and temples, and villas; magnificent roads, the vestiges of which remain to this day, extended in every direction. The blessings of christianity were in time introduced, and Roman Britain soon became a civilized, flourishing and happy country.

The colleges of operatives which have been before spoken of, were doubtless introduced there; but so deep is the silence of history evincing the tranquillity of Britain during the four hundred years of the Roman domination, and so entire seems to have been the resemblance between the Roman institutions there, and at home, that we find nothing to add to the brief notice already given.

Then came the Saxon invasion, sweeping over the land in a torrent of blood and fire, dissipating like a dream every vestige of christianity and the Roman civ