the last of the Bourbons afforded an occasion which was all that he could have wished. The feelings of Lafayette revolted from deeds of violence. He desired a peaceful revolution. At the head of the army and of the people, he does not appear to have conceived a single purpose of ambition. The good of his country, the example of America, were the engrossing topics of his contemplations. He saw, or he was persuaded to believe that he saw insuperable obstacles to the erection of a republic upon the ruins of a monarchy. He was conciliated by the acts of liberality and patriotism which had acquired for the Duke of Orleans and his son so large a share of public favor. He was induced to hope, that even if the power of a monarchy were entrusted to such hands, under the guardianship of constitutional restraints, the people of France might enjoy an undisturbed equality of personal rights, and have an opportunity of preparing themselves for the unlimited exercise of political privileges.

With such a purpose, it is not too much to say that Lafayette conducted Louis Philippe to the constitutional throne, and placed himself by its side, its sworn supporter. But Louis Philippe found it more easy to be a king than a republican. Nor was he slow to perceive that the feelings and habits of those around him had hardly changed with the change of government, and that, if he could relieve himself from the oversight of Lafayette, it might not be difficult to procure a general assent to all that was necessary to secure a virtual recognition of the ancient prerogatives of the crown.

Lafayette has submitted to the masked policy of the king with evident disappointment. But although dismissed from the service of the king, he is retained in the service of the people. He is still the individual, to whom all eyes will be again directed in the hour of peril, and who cannot be divested of a personal influence which Louis Philippe well may envy, and for which he may have cause to tremble.

Let it not, then, be forgotten, in estimating the character and services of Lafayette, that his education, his principles, his

taste, his feelings are purely and eminently American-that in honoring him we but honor ourselves and our institutions -and that we may safely and proudly refer to him as an example of the influence of our country and age upon the character and condition of the individual. Let us attribute to the want of others like himself, rather than to any want of principle or exertion on his part, the doubtful result of the existing po litical arrangements. Let us hope, that, through his influence and under the guidance of an enlightened patriotism the work of reform may be completed without the recurrence of scenes and events, which have been recorded in letters of blood in a preceding chapter of the history of France.

If then, it be one of the blessings of our country and age that each individual is entrusted with a power of distinction and usefulness of incalculable efficiency; if the highest public honors and dearest private comforts are here alike accessible to all; if the influence and fame of an individual may now be circulated throughout the civilized world; if the examples of the present day serve to show the pre-eminence which may be attained, how important is it that every individual amongst us should understand his responsibleness and his duties? So far from his situation in life being fixed by its original circumstances, nothing can be more certain than that it is not fixed, and that he must rise above it or become degraded, accordingly as he improves his opportunities or abuses his privileges. The means of improvement are liberally supplied; they consist in whatever will tend to exercise his faculties, to strengthen his mind, and to elevate and adorn his character.

I hold it to be a positive benefit of the Lyceum that individuals voluntarily associate for the single purpose of mutual improvement that all distinctions except those of individual merit, are unknown-that the object is to communicate instruction to each individual-and that the individual is compelled in a measure to task his powers, to test his proficiency, to ascertain and supply his defects, to compare himself with others, and by such comparison to learn to do justice to their

pretensions, and to realize his own claims, advantages, and obligations. At the Lyceum he beholds a spectacle, which could not be exhibited, except in such a country and such an age. He finds assembled on terms of equality, and in a spirit of mutual respect, all classes, all ages and both sexes. He listens to speakers, who proceed from and return to the ranks of hearers, and who are themselves taught by teaching. He finds others thus capable of imparting, and himself capable of acquiring the greatest variety of useful and entertaining knowledge. He studies the examples of intellectual and moral worth, of literary proficiency, of mechanical ingenuity, of practical usefulness in all forms which are presented for his imitation. He beholds with delight the phenomena of the external world rendered intelligible by ocular demonstrations. He surveys, also, the world within. He sees, he feels the power of mind. He is induced to reflection. He resolves upon action. His ambition becomes purified as it is elevated and the whole effect of circumstances is to contribute to the happiest result.

Of how many individuals has the fact been recorded, that their early connexion with associations, approaching in a greater or less degree to the character and design of the Lyceum, has contributed more than any other incidental cause, to the growth and development of their natural endowments! I will refer to two of the most illustrious instances of our times -Henry Brougham and Henry Clay. The former while but nineteen years of age, laid the foundation of his reputation in a brilliant effort before the Debating Socie y of Edinburgh, which has also proved the favorite forum for the display of the youthful talents of many of his most distinguished contemporaries. The latter rose to fame under similar auspices; it was in yielding to a sudden impulse at the meeting of a debating club in Lexington that he was enabled to overcome the timidity and embarrassment which had elsewhere oppressed him, and first exhibited the evidence of his extraordinary powers of oratory. Te former may now be seen proud to descend from the summit of political preferment to honor with his presence

the ordinary meetings of the "Society for the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge," and devoting his official leisure to literary labor for the promotion of its objects. The latter is known as the unwearied advocate of the most practical schemes of popular improvement and social benevolence. Of both these individuals the truth cannot be too often told that they are the ornaments of the most enlightened age and of the freest countries in the world; and this truth will not be properly appreciated, unless it is considered that to the circumstances connected with the time and places of their birth they have mainly owed their reputation and usefulness. In no other country of Europe, and at no preceding period of the history of England, would Henry Brougham have been permitted even to acquire notoriety; and no where but in America, and never until now could services like those of Henry Clay in the cause of liberty, of patriotism, and of philanthropy, have been conceived, attempted, and accomplished.

How instructive are the examples of such men, as, apart from political connexions, and for the single object which has been proposed, we may be permitted to regard them! Born in obscurity, bred in seclusion, by dint of the severest exertions of the highest faculties of the mind, they have been seen to advance, as it were, pari passu, to the proudest distinctions of forensic and parliamentary eminence; attracting to themselves the notice and admiration, not of their own countries only, but of the civilized world, and inscribing their fame, not in the perishing memories of a contemporaneous generation, but in institutions which will outlive centuries, in systems of policy which will constitute the land-marks of national greatness, and in a written eloquence which will be treasured in every language that future ages will delight to esteem classical! How instructive are the examples of such men, when their biographers point us to the incidents of their early life, and show the powerful influence of their connexion with an institution like the Lyceum in fixing the bent, or at least in

quickening the development of the latent genius, of which they had been till then the unconscious possessors!

It is not for us to expect that the Lyceum will be instrumental in producing many such instances of intellectual proficiency; but it cannot be a vain hope, that in the bosom of every community there may be talents and virtues, neither confined to age, nor rank, nor sex, which will be roused to exertion and brought into notice through its direct and indirect operations. It cannot be a vain hope, that individuals under similar circumstances will apply to themselves all the motives, and will feel that they have a right to claim for themselves all the encouragements, which the highest examples are suited to impart. It surely cannot be a vain hope that they will learn from their experience that the effort to improve is improvement; that the presence of others is an unfailing incentive to exertion; that there is no limit to the humblest capacity, but that the mind, by the aid of contingents which will render it active, vigorous, and expanded, may prove to every individual the source of immeasurable usefulness, honor, and happiness.

II. Society being composed of individuals, it follows that whatever tends to elevate or depress the condition of the individual, must produce a corresponding influence upon society. The accidental circumstances, which constitute the rank of the individual without reference to his merit, control society in a greater or less degree in every country but our own; and, again, society is every where characterized by advantages and wants peculiar to the age, which deserve consideration.

'The nobility,' and 'the gentry,' titles of the highest classes in Europe, are with us, in their specific application, terms of derision. We sometimes imagine a nobility of nature, when we pay homage to intellectual greatness, and we commend the strictness of principles and propriety of manners that are the professed characteristics of accomplished gentlemen. We have been accustomed to attach sufficient importance to wealth. We seek to multiply the forms of refinement. We doat upon luxuries. We suffer ourselves to be hurried into the excesses