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Chapter

SUB-SECTION III

REVOLUTIONARY INDUSTRIAL UNIONISM

INTRODUCTION

I. Industrial Workers of the World....
II. Workers' International Industrial Union..
III. International Federation Hotel Workers...
IV. Journeymen Bakers and Confectioners Union..
V. Brotherhood of Metal Workers.....

883

907

916

931

934

VI. Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America..
VII. Amalgamated Textile Workers.....
VIII. International Ladies' Garment Workers Union.
IX. Fur Workers' Union...

942

951

958

960

18711

SUB-SECTION III

REVOLUTIONARY INDUSTRIAL UNIONISM

INTRODUCTION

In the preceding chapters dealing with the Socialist and anarchist movements in America a brief outline has been given of the principles and objects of various groups masquerading as political parties which seek the overthrow of the present political system as well as the establishment of a new social order.

The succeeding chapters deal with the fruit of the propaganda carried on by such organizations. Although the political and economic theories taught by the Socialists, Communists and anarchists are the product of intellectuals, they have been carried to the working masses by the constant dissemination of propaganda which has spread a spirit of revolt in the ranks of labor, not only against the present social system and organized government, but also against the conservative and constructive organizations of labor.

The movement thus created in the ranks of labor has been given many titles. In England it is known as syndicalism; in France as revolutionary syndicalism, while in the United States it has come to be known as industrial unionism. The object of the movement is to break up the system of craft or trade unions, and to organize workers into One Big Union having subdivisions along the lines of industry, rather than those of trade. The success of this movement is indicated in the following chapters of this sub-section.

The organizations thus created carry on their propaganda in co-operation with the propaganda of the so-called political organizations above referred to, the purpose of which is to create class consciousness, to stimulate in and among the workers the idea that they alone count in the social order; that only among the toiling masses is found the knowledge and ideals which can reconstruct society.

An intense hatred for all other classes of society is encouraged, and the workers are urged to accentuate what is known as the class struggle. The purpose of this propaganda is to cultivate among workers, first, the desire, and then the will to seize industry,

and to overturn, or overthrow, organized government and to set up in its place the so-called co-operative commonwealth. The success of the proletarian revolution in Russia has given a clear definition of the meaning of the co-operative commonwealth which now, in the minds of most of the workers affected by this propaganda, means a Soviet form of government modeled after the Russian Soviet regime.

It is impossible for the Committee here to enter into a detailed discussion of all the independent labor organizations which are formed along industrial lines, or which may be affiliated with the I. W. W. or the W. I. I. U. Those concrete examples which are here given will make clear the trend of the movement, and indicate what measure of success it has attained.

The Committee emphasizes at this point that the real danger to American government, and to the structure of American society and its institutions, rests in the continuous activity of such organizations as are here mentioned. Revolution, if it shall be attempted in this country, will not be the work of armed bands. of revolutionaries secretly coming together in conspirative organizations. Such a movement would hold out no promise of success. On the other hand, the propaganda of class hatred stimulating in thousands of workers who are ignorant of our institutions and laws, a contempt for our form of government and its institutions, must inevitably lead to a division in our society fraught with the most serious consequences to the public peace and safety.

It is difficult to give a precise definition of the terms, "Revolutionary Industrial Unionism" or "Syndicalism." They are employed to designate the theories and practices of certain revolutionary labor organizations which have for their purposes the seizure and control of the means of production and distribution, as well as the overthrow of the existing forms of government, and the setting up of working class rule.

These labor organizations should be looked upon as the weapons forged by quasi-political parties for the purpose of making effective the revolution. Such labor organizations are characterized by the advocacy of direct action, meaning thereby the use of the general strike and sabotage, and the repudiation of parliamentary action. It should be noted that at the present time the distinction between syndicalism or revolutionary industrial unionism and revolutionary Socialism are purely theoretical, for the latter now approves all of the tactics which formerly characterized syndicalism alone.

The term "syndicalism" is devised from the French syndicates, or trade unions. It is synonymous with revolutionary industrial unionism, but in its restricted sense it refers particularly to the principles and tactics adopted by the French labor organizations which were united in the Confederation Generale du Travail. These theories and practices combine in large measure the doctrines of Bakunin, Marx, and Proudhon. The doctrine involves not only the co-operation between various industrial unions in order to effect immediate demands for wage increase, shorter hours, and better working conditions, but insists that all wealth is produced by the workers and that, therefore, such wealth, both productive and distributive, should be controlled and owned by various labor organizations to the exclusion of the capitalists and the state. The bourgeoisie have no place in this scheme save experts in finance, engineering or technology may be hired by the various unions.

As has been stated the chief weapon employed by syndicalists is propaganda by deed or direct action. This includes the general strike and sabotage. Their doctrine teaches that the employees and their employers have nothing in common; that society is divided into two contending groups, on the one hand the employers described as exploiters, and on the other the employees designated as the exploited. It also teaches that there can be no peace so long as the wage system lasts, that the struggle must go on until the workers have gained control of industry and set up a working class government. In other words, it's basic principle is the teaching of the class struggle. This involves the application of physical force.

In order to carry out the doctrine thus promulgated and make effective the tactics advocated it is necessary to have a highly centralized control of the workers in each industry, so that the general strike may be called by a central committee affecting the workers of various trades engaged in the same industry.

Trade unionism as represented by the American Federation of Labor is organized for the purpose of protecting its members against the capricious action of a small committee.

Before a general strike can be called involving different trades the questions in dispute must be of sufficient importance to convince the officers of the different trades of the necessity of such strike. It is for this reason that the revolutionary agitator finds it necessary to seek to destroy these conservative organizations of

labor.

As an illustration of the attitude assumed by such agitators towards the American Federation of Labor we quote from a manifesto issued by the Communist League of New Jersey which was reprinted with complete approval in the "Rebel Worker," the official organ of the I. W. W. in New York City in the spring of 1919:

"We must reverse the historic attitude of the Socialist Party towards the American Federation of Labor. Since its formation in 1898, the Socialist Party has pursued a policy of friendship and alliance with the A. F. of L. Our members have gone into the craft unions and have struggled to 'bore from within.' After twenty years we may read the result. Our efforts have collapsed in a heartbreaking failure.

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"The A. F. of L. has ceased to be a labor union. It has allied itself with the master-class. It has invoked the aid of the capitalist government to exterminate the revolutionary minorities within its unions."

While the quotation just given would seem to indicate that the process of "boring from within" had not been successful, evidence daily accumulates that the radical agitators are fast undermining the American Federation of Labor and similar conservative organizations. The large number of unauthorized strikes illustrated vividly at the time of writing this report by the walkout of railway employees, which threatens to tie up the transport system of this country, are the direct result of the propaganda spread by various subversive organizations to which this report refers.

Owing to the wide field of inquiry covered by this Committee it has been impossible for it to make a thorough investigation into the spread of revolutionary ideas among labor unions in general. This is the most important problem which at the present confronts the American people. The Committee can do little but point the direction in which further inquiry must be made.

The general strike which is the principal expression of industrial action has been successfully employed in foreign countries to gain political objectives by extra-parlimentary means. The general strike was employed in Russia to overthrow the provisional government under Kerensky. The general strike was the instrument employed by President Ebert of the present German regime to tie the hands of the Von Kapp provisional govern

ment.

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