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says in "Socialists at work" (p. 302): "It included workingclass leaders, from the extreme anarchist to the moderate republican of the Mazzini type. In England the members were mostly trade unionists; in Germany, Socialists; in France and the Latin countries, anarchists. A few working men's organizations in America allied themselves, and in other countries there were many affiliated groups. Nearly all the leaders, however, were of the middle class, and many able thinkers sympathized with and supported the movement. It started with every promise of success; but it was loosely organized, and it mirrored the chaotic condition of the working class itself . . bitter feuds broke out among the leaders, which added to the general confusion, and divided the workers even more grievously than before. The Blanquists were conspirators, hoping to capture by stealth the French government. The Proudhonians were opposed to all parliamentary action

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the International became the storm until finally Marx became a dictator." Marx was a bitter polemist. He condemned the brilliant French Socialists as Utopians; he condemned State Socialists; his own disciple the brilliant Lasalle; Bakunin, the great Russian anarchist leader. The Franco-Prussian War of 1870 was a very serious blow to him. Finally in 1872 Marx wrecked the International in order to destroy the power of the anarchist wing. The Anarchists were growing very powerful. They had practical control of the revolutionary movement in Russia, and were influential in Italy, France and elsewhere. To Marx they were anathema, because they spelled the death of any system; and Marx wished to displace one system completely by another. Therefore, he pulled down the house he himself had built.

A brief survey of the main purposes of Socialism is in order, and an analysis of Karl Marx's Manifesto, the text of which will also be given in full.

Many persons, especially among the intellectuals and philanthropists, call themselves Socialists because they believe that for the selfishness of individual aims there should be substituted the altruism that subordinates the good of the individual to the good of society as a whole. This type of Socialist is as varied in opinion as Joseph's robe of many colors. Such general welfare theory has no connection with Socialism in its scientific and systematic A Socialist in this sense is mainly an opponent of individualism: a constructive believer in this philosophy purposes to sacrifice no class but to improve and elevate all classes.

sense.

Socialism in its exact and scientific sense is based on certain definite principles, and not on various states of mind. It has a theory of both industrial and political society that involves a radical reconstruction of the present world, making its political organization subordinate to its economic or industrial organization. It is based on three main propositions.

The first principle is the common ownership of the material elements of production. It is collective industrialization. It has two forms:

(1) A constructive form, which allows certain kinds of wealth, not designed for further production, to remain private property; and

(2) A radical form, which abolishes all kinds of private property.

The second principle is the common management of production, which it is claimed would insure to the whole community the benefits of the things produced, and insure to all the opportunity and obligation for work under the best conditions.

The third principle relates to the distribution to the entire community of the wealth produced by the collective labor and management, a plan which is supposed to insure the satisfactory utilization of the surplus so produced, and its just distribution among the various classes of producers.

According to this the two principal sources of production, land and capital, must cease to be private property and become the collective property of society as a whole.

In the political sphere socialism aims to:

(1) Denationalize peoples,

(2) Denationalize governments, and

(3) Increase municipal and all local control,

(4) Transfer to economic authorities most powers now assigned to political authorities.

The political state by these means is so reduced in power and scope that it is practically wiped out.

It is a peculiar fact that there exists not a single system of Anglo-Saxon socialism, nor a single system of Latin race socialism. In fact, the only scientific, concrete and perfectly systematic scheme is of German-Jewish origin the scheme of Karl Marx. This is the basis for the materialism inherent in presentday socialism, for its antagonism to religion, to ethics, and to all

idealism based on principles, on sentiments and intellectual concepts that do not relate to purely material life and wealth interests.

ANALYSIS OF MARX'S COMMUNIST MANIFESTO

The following outline of the Karl Marx Manifesto comprises its main points and will help in understanding the present Socialist and Communist attitude.

Modern society has evolved into only two classes: (1) the bourgeoisie, representing capital, and (2) the proletariat, representing wage-labor as a commodity.

This condition has been reached through the tremendous development of industry on a large scale, with gigantic means of production and exchange, through the subjection of Nature's forces.

The result is, with the help of machinery and the subdivision of labor, to divest labor of all delight and individualism, and to reduce it to slavery.

This despotic and egotistical despotism of capital has led to crises through over-production. The proletariat alone has withstood the conflict. All other classes have disappeared or are decaying.

The first stage of the class struggle must be national. In order to keep from sinking deeper into pauperism the laborer must develop civil war for the violent overthrow of the bourgeoisie.

Under the direction of the Communist leaders, who in all national struggles bring to the front the common interests of the entire proletariat, the working class passes to the phase of internationalism, of unification of purpose, organization and struggle. Its theory may be summed up in the single sentence: "Abolition of private property," because present-day wage labor creates only one kind of private property-bourgeois property.

This means the doing away of buying and selling and of all the present bourgeois methods of production and distribution. Capital will be abolished with all its results in investments.

It means also the abolition of the family- the present bourgeois family will vanish. The Communists desire to introduce an openly legalized community of women. This involves also the children.

"The working-men have no country."

It is urged against communism that it "abolishes eternal

truths, it abolishes all religion and all morality, instead of constituting them on a new basis, its development involves the most radical rupture with traditional ideas."

The measures recommended to bring about the social transformation are mainly (1) abolition of property in land and application of all rents of land to public purposes; (2) heavy income tax; (3) abolition of all right of inheritance; (4) monopoly of credit by a single national bank; (5) means of transportation nationalized; (6) nationalization of means of production; (7) obligation of all to labor and establishment of industrial armies; (8) combination of agricultural and industrial interests; (9) free education of all children.

There will result the abolition of any political power or organization. Eventually class antagonism will cease because only one class will exist - the proletariat.

Reactionary and feudal socialism are ludicrous or deceptive. So-called "Christian Socialism is but the Holy water with which the priest consecrates the heartburnings of the aristocrat."

Then came petty bourgeois socialism, which, while recognizing clearly present industrial evils was, in its proposed remedies, "both reactionary and Utopian."

Based on Utopias, came a silly school-boy mountebank German school of so-called intellectuals, which became the bombastic representative of the petty bourgeois Philistine, which proclaimed the German nation to be the model nation. Far more serious was the conservative bourgeois socialism, worked out by economists and philanthropists in more or less complete systems of improvement; the critical-utopian and the communistutopian schemes.

The attitude of the Communist Party itself is to everywhere support every revolutionary movement against the existing social and political order of things, always bringing to the front the property question and working for unity in all countries.

"The Communists disdain to conceal their views and aims. They openly declare that their ends can be attained only by the forcible overthrow of all existing social conditions. Let the ruling classes tremble at a Communist revolution. The proletarians have nothing to lose but their chains. They have a world to win.

"Working men of all countries, unite!"

An interesting summary of the situation is given by Marx's

partner Engels in a preface to the English translation of the Communist Manifesto written in 1888, the year before the founding of the Second International. It is here given almost entire. It includes a clear comparison of Communism with the early Utopian Socialism.

"The Manifesto' was published as the platform of the Communist League, a workingmen's association, first exclusively German, later on international, and, under the political conditions of the Continent before 1848, unavoidably a secret society. At a Congress of the League, held in London in November, 1847, Marx and Engels were commissioned to prepare for publication a complete theoretical and practical party programme. Drawn up in German, in January, 1848, the manuscript was sent to the printer in London a few weeks before the French revolution of February 24th. A French translation was brought out in Paris shortly before the insurrection of June, 1848. The first English translation, by Miss Helen Macfarlane, appeared in George Julian Harney's 'Red Republican,' London, 1850. A Danish and a Polish edition had also been published.

"The defeat of the Parisian insurrection of June, 1848the first great battle between proletariat and bourgeoisie drove again into the background, for the time, the social and political aspirations of the European working class. Thenceforth the struggle for supremacy was again, as it had been before the revolution of February, solely between different sections of the propertied class; the working class was reduced to a fight for political elbow-room, and to the position of extreme wing of the middle-class Radicals. Wherever independent proletarian movements continued to show signs of life they were ruthlessly hunted down. As to the 'Manifesto,' it seemed to be thenceforth doomed to oblivion.

"When the European working class had recovered sufficient strength for another attack on the ruling classes, the International Workingmen's Association sprang up. But this association, formed with the express aim of welding into one body the whole militant proletariat of Europe and America, could not at once proclaim the principles laid down in the Manifesto.' The International was bound to have a programme broad enough to be acceptable to the English Trades' Union, to the followers of Proudhon in France,

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