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And since this additional profit is obtained by the trust, thanks to the protection by high tariffs from foreign rivalry, how then can the trust refuse to receive custom duties? At first must be overthrown the trust, first must be established a socialistic revolution. This is the way, how real socialists answered this question, i. e., Communist Bolsheviki. And socialist revolution it means establishing social order, when everything is under the control of the organized into a government working class. We have seen what harm causes private trade within the country. No less harm is caused by such trading between countries. Consequently it is fully absurd to abolish free trade within the country and establish it beyond. The same absurd, according to the viewpoint of the working class, appears the system of imposition foreign capitalists. A third escape is necessary, and this escape consists of the nationalization of foreign commerce by the proletarian government.

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What does it mean? This means that none who live on the Russian territory has the right to transact commercial affairs with foreign capitalists. He who will be caught in this affair must be fined or jailed. The whole foreign trade ought to be intersected by the workers'-peasants' government. The government has to arrange all business affairs, case by case. instance, America offers us machines in exchange for a certain ware, or a certain amount of gold pieces. And Germany offers the same machine at a different price or under other conditions. The workers' organization (of the government, of Soviet,) realizes whether they have to make this sale and where there is an advantage. Where advantage is shown, there they buy. The purchased products are sold to the populace without profit. Because this business is transacted, not by capitalists who rob the workers, but by the workers themselves. In such a manner the domination of capital ought to be driven out of these trenches. And the workers must take (and they take, and they have taken) the affair of foreign trade in their own hands and to organize it in such a way that no swindler, no speculator, none of the marauders should succeed in escaping the workers' patrol.

It is understood that a relentless chastisement is required with regard to the capitalist-smugglers. They ought to be, once forever, disaccustomed from all kinds of tricks. The affair of economic life is now the affair of the toiling masses. Only through further continuation of reinforcement of such order, the working class will succeed in final liberation from every reminder of the damned capitalistic regime.

Document No. 5

THE RED TERROR

In the official publication of the Petrograd Council of the Workmen's, Peasants' and Red Guards' Deputies, the "Red Gazette," an editorial article was published on the 31st of August, 1918. This article referred to the Red Terror. The whole article is naturally an expression of the official point of view of the Soviet officials on the subject of class struggle. The following is stated in the above article:

"Only those men among the representatives of the bourgeois class who, during a period of nine months, succeeded in proving their loyalty to the Soviet rule, should be spared. All the others are our hostages and we should treat them accordingly. Enough of mildness. The interests of the revolution necessitate physical annihilation of the bourgeois class. It is time for us to start."

Another official Bolshevist publication, namely, "The Izvestia," of the Executive Committee of the Kotelinich Soviet of the Workmen's, Soldiers', and Peasant Beggars' Deputies, published on September 29, 1918, in the fourth issue, an article under the title "The Voice of Tombs," the closing lines of which read as follows:

"Nay, we have already left the path of all errors and we have found the right track of struggle with our hated enemies and this track is- Red Terror."

Another Bolshevist proclamation, issued by the Terrorists in the city of Kotelnich in 1918, North Russia, partly reads as follows:

"We take oath not to leave a stone unturned in those nests where the terrible parasites and their partisans are living. When compelled to evacuate the cities, we will turn them into deserts and every step of ours will be abundantly soaked with blood. In this struggle between the world's capital and those oppressed let the world tremble before the horror of the mode in which we shall demolish and annihilate everything which oppresses us. . . . You, rich peasants, who have drunk the blood of the poor for centuries long, you should remember that the above also applies to you."

Document No. 6

ON THE BREST-LITOVSK PEACE

In March, 1918, Lenin made an endeavor to invent some excuses with regard to the treacherous attitude of the Bolsheviki at the Brest-Litovsk Peace parleys. In a pamphlet under the title "To the History of the Question of the Unfortunate Peace," Lenin stated as follows:

"By concluding a separate peace, we free ourselves, to the highest degree possible under the present circumstances, from the two belligerent imperialistic groups (the Allied group and the Central Powers), moreover taking advantage of their war and their hostilities, which, in turn, hampers their deal against us. We also avail ourselves of a certain period of free-hands in order to continue and to strengthen the socialistic revolution. The reorganization of Russia on the basis of proletarian dictatorship as well as on the basis of nationalization of banks and of the big industry, accompanied by a natural exchange of goods between the cities and the rural consumers' societies of the small farmers, is quite possible, provided several months of peaceful work are assured. A reorganization of this kind will make socialism unconquerable, both in Russia and throughout the whole world, and at the same time it will establish a firm economic basis for a powerful workmen's and peasants' red army." (Page 8, translation from the "Russian Edition," March, 1918, published by the Kronstadt Commune of the Russian Communist Party.)

Document No. 7

DEFENSE OF BERKMAN

Matters which were confined to the internal situation in the various Allied countries, and which stood in no relation with the state of affairs in Russia herself were lively debated by the Soviet officials and by the various radical organizations in Russia. In corroboration of the above statement the following resolution of a group of anarchists on the yacht "Polar Star" might be of interest:

"Resolution

"Session of Helsingfors group of anarchists of December 23, 1917, on the yacht 'Polar Star.'

"To the Ambassador of the United States of North America:

"We, sailors, soldiers and workmen of the city of Helsingfors, having become fully acquainted with the fact of

the persecution by the government of the United States of No. America, of our comrade Alexander Berkman, whose only guilt culminates in that he has given his whole life to the service of the toiling class and the disinherited, demand the immediate release of our Comrade Alexander Berkman. In the event of refusal we openly declare that we will hold personally responsible the representatives of the government of the United States for the life and liberty of the revolutionary fighter for the people's cause, Comrade Alexander Berkman."

"(Signed) Chairman:

"S. KRILOFF.

"Secretary:

"F. KUTZEY."

("Izvestia" of the Central Executive Committee of the Soviets of Peasants', Workmen's and Soldiers' Deputies and of the Petrograd Soviet of Workmen's and Soldiers' Deputies, No. 13, Jan. 18, 1918.)

Document No. 8

SUICIDE LETTER OF A BOLSHEVIK COMMISSAR

On April 24, 1919, N. Lopoushkin, chairman of the Kirsanov Soviet, issued a letter to the Central Soviet of Workmen's Deputies at Moscow, which probably throws more light on the present conditions in Soviet Russia than many exhaustive treaties. part this letter reads as follows:

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"My colleagues of the Kirsnov Soviet are writing to tell you that I am no longer fit to hold the position of President of the Soviet, that I am a counter-revolutionary, that I have lost my nerve, and am a traitor to our cause. Perhaps they are right-I only wish I knew. . . . Speaking frankly, we are, in my opinion, on the brink of a terrible disaster, which will leave its imprint, not only upon Socialism, but upon our nation for centuries, a disaster which will give our descendants the right to regard us Bolsheviks at the best as crazy fanatics, and at the worst, as foul impostors and ghastly muddlers, who murdered and tortured a nation for the sake of an unattainable Utopian theory, and who in our madness sold our birthright amongst the peoples for less than the proverbial mess of pottage.

"All around me, wherever I look, I see unmistakable signs of our approaching doom, and yet no one responds to my appeals for help; my voice is as the voice of one crying in a wilderness. In the towns I have just come from, chronic hunger, murder, and the license and libertinage of the criminal elements, who undoubtedly hold numerous executive positions under our Soviets, have reduced the population to the level of mere brute beasts, who drag out a dull semi-conscious existence, devoid of joy in to-day, and without hope for the morrow. Surely this should not be the result of the earthly Paradise which the Soviets were to introduce into our lives. Nor did I find the position any better on the railways. Everywhere a people living under the dread of famine, death, torture, and terror, everywhere groaning and utter misery. My countrymen, whom I love, and whom I had hoped to assist to render happy above all nations, look at me either with the mute uncomprehending eyes of brutes condemned to slaughter, or else with the red eyes of fury and vengeance..

"Speculation is rife amongst even the most humble inhabitants in the country villages, who have forced a lump of sugar up to four rubles, and a pound of salt up to forty rubles. And the Bolshevik militia and the Soviets? When they are called upon to deal with various infringements of the Bolshevik Decrees, they either try to get out of taking action altogether, or else they pretend that there is insufficient evidence to commit for trial.

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"No member of the Red Guard dare risk his life by returning to his native village, where his father would be the first to kill him. I maintain that there must be something wrong with a regime which has aroused such universal hatred, in such a comparatively short time; and amongst whom? Amongst the very class it strove to uplift, to free, to benefit, and to render happy.

"I feel tired and depressed. I know that the Red Terror was a mistake, and I have a terrible suspicion that our cause has been betrayed at the moment of its utmost realization. "Yours in fraternal greeting,

"N. LOPOUSHKIN."

It will be of interest to know that immediately after having issued the above letter, Lopoushkin committed suicide. lished in "the New Europe" and "Struggling Russia.")

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