fastly retain their persuasion and continue in an opinion different from you. He that differs in an opinion is only so far at a distance from you; but if you use him ill for that which he believes to be right, he is then at perfect enmity. The one is barely a separation, but the other a quarrel. Nor is that all the mischief which severity will do among us as the state of things is at present; for force and harsh usage will not only increase the animosity but number of enemies. For the fanatics, taken all together, being numerous, and possibly more than the hearty friends to the state-religion, are yet crumbled into different parties amongst themselves, and are at as much distance from one another as from you, if you drive them not farther off by the treatment they receive from you. For their bare opinions are as inconsistent one with another as with the church of England. People, therefore, that are so shattered into different factions are best secured by toleration; since, being in as good a condition under you as they can hope for under any, 'tis not like they should join to set up another, whom they cannot be certain will use them so well. But, if you persecute them, you make them all of one party and interest against you, tempt them to shake off your yoke, and venture for a new government, wherein every one has hopes to get the dominion themselves, or better usage under others, who cannot but see that the same severity of the government which helped them to power and partisans to get up, will give others the same desire and same strength to pull them down; and therefore may it be expected they will be cautious how they exercise it. But, if you think the different parties are already grown to a consistency, and formed into one body and interest against you, whether it were the hardships they suffered under you made them unite or no, when they are so many as to equal or exceed you in number, as, perhaps, they do in England, force will be but an ill and hazardous way to bring them to submission. If uniformity in England be so necessary as many pretend, and compulsion be the way to it, I demand of those who are so zealous for it, whether they really intend by force to have it or no. If they do not, it is not only imprudent, but malicious, under that pretence, by ineffectual punishments to disquiet and torment their brethren. For to show how little persecution, if not in the extremest degree, has been able to establish uniformity, I shall ask but this one plain question: Was there ever a free toleration in this kingdom? If there were not, I desire to know of any of the clergy who were once sequestered, how they came to be turned out of their livings, and whether impositions and severity were able to preserve the church of England and hinder the growth of puritans, even before the war. If, therefore, violence be to settle uniformity,

'tis in vain to mince the matter. That severity which must produce it cannot stop short of the total destruction and extirpation of all dissenters at once. And how well this will agree with the doctrine of Christianity, the principles of our church, and reformation from popery, I leave them to judge who can think the massacre of France worthy their imitation, and desire them to consider, if death (for nothing less can make uniformity) were the penalty of not coming to common-prayer and joining in all our church worship, how much such a law would settle the quiet and secure the government of the kingdom.

"The Romish religion that had been but a little while planted, and taken but small root in Japan (for the poor converts had but little of the efficacious truths and light of Christianity conveyed to them by those teachers who make ignorance the mother of devotion, and knew very little beyond an Ave Mary or Pater-noster), could not be extirpated but by the death of many thousands; which, too, prevailed not at all to lessen their numbers, till they extended the severity beyond the delinquents, and made it death, not only to the family that, entertained a priest, but also to all of both the families. that were next neighbours on either hand, though they were strangers or enemies to the new religion, and invented exquisite lingering torments, worse than a thousand deaths, which, though some had strength enough to endure fourteen days together, many renounced their religion, whose names were all registered with a design that, when the professors of Christianity were all destroyed, these too should be butchered all on a day, never thinking the opinion rooted out beyond possibility of spreading again, as long as there were any alive who were the least acquainted with it, or had almost heard anything of Christianity more than the name. Nor are the Christians that trade there to this day suffered to discourse, fold their hands, or use any gesture that may show the difference of their religion. If any one thinks uniformity in our church ought to be restored, though by such a method as this, he will do well to consider how many subjects the king will have left by that time it is done. There is this one thing more observable in the case, which is, that it was not to set up uniformity in religion (for they tolerate seven or eight sects, and some so different as is the belief of the mortality or immortality of the soul; nor is the magistrate at all curious or inquisitive what sect his subjects are of, or does in the least force them to his religion), nor any aversion to Christianity, which they suffered a good while quietly to grow up among them, till the doctrine of popish priests gave them jealousy that religion was but their pretence, but empire their design, and made them fear the subversion of their state; which suspicion their own priests improved all they could to the extirpation of this growing religion.

"But to show the danger of establishing uniformity. To give a full prospect of this subject there remain yet these following particulars to be handled :

“(1.) To show what influence toleration is like to have upon the number and industry of your people, on which depends the power and riches of the kingdom.

"(2.) If force must compel all to an uniformity in England, to consider what party alone or what parties are likeliest to unite to make a force able to compel the rest.

"(3.) To show that all that speak against toleration seem to suppose that severity and force are the only arts of government and way to suppress any faction, which is a mistake.

(4.) That for the most part the matters of controversy and distinction between sects are no parts, or very inconsiderable ones and appendices, of true religion.

"(5.) To consider how it comes to pass that Christian religion hath made more factions, wars, and disturbances in civil societies than any other, and whether toleration and latitudinism would prevent those evils.

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(6.) That toleration conduces no otherwise to the settlement of a government than as it makes the majority of one mind, and encourages virtue in all, which is done by making and executing strict laws concerning virtue and vice, but making the terms of church communion as large as may be; i.e., that your articles in speculative opinions be few and large, and ceremonies in worship few and easy, which is latitudinism.

"(7.) That the defining and undertaking to prove several doctrines which are confessed to be incomprehensible, and to be no otherwise known but by revelation, and requiring men to assent to them in the terms proposed by the doctors of your several churches, must needs make a great many atheists. "But of these when I have more leisure."

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CHAPTER V.

IN LORD ASHLEY'S FAMILY.

[1667-1672.]

OCKE was thirty-four years old when his acquaintance with Lord Ashley began. After very thorough schooling and university education according to the academic requirements of those days, corrected and greatly widened by his readings and original studies in philosophy and science, he had resolved, in spite of seductive offers of advancement both in the diplomatic and in the clerical professions, to become a physician. There is nothing, however, to show that he had as yet done much, if anything, in actual medical practice. Always mistrusting his own powers, and, even when he used those powers, apparently unconscious that he was doing or was able to do anything great, he had chosen still to be a student, a humble searcher after wisdom, a careful and untiring gleaner of all the knowledge he could acquire, hoping that some day he might be able to apply that knowledge in benefiting other people, but feeling perhaps that it would be almost criminal folly in him to attempt to benefit others without first, not only seeing whether he was competent to benefit himself, but also achieving somewhat in that direction.

Happily for him, his circumstances were such as to render possible this sort of life and work. Receiving about

70%. a year in rents from his Somersetshire property, and retaining his Christ Church studentship, he had enough, considering the value of money in those days, to enable him to live comfortably as a quiet bachelor, and, though it is evident, from stray allusions in his correspondence, that he would have liked to have a larger income, he was not in actual need of it. He doubtless now looked forward to the time when he should be a busy and prosperous physician, and it may be fairly assumed that in the meanwhile, besides the great interest that he took in medical and other scientific pursuits for their own sakes, he considered that those pursuits were very helpful in training him for the philosophical studies in which he always had special delight. Descartes and some other famous men had taught him that the solution of physical problems furnished the only ground on which, with any chance of success, might be built a superstructure of metaphysical theories.

But, whatever the plans that he had made for his future, they were greatly interfered with by his intimacy with Lord Ashley, and by his failing health.

His father died of consumption, or some kindred malady, at the comparatively early age of fifty-four; and his only brother died also of consumption when he was only about six-and-twenty. We are told nothing as to the state of his own health up to the period of his life at which we have now arrived; but it is probable that only prudent habits had thus far kept sound a delicate constitution. From this time we shall meet with repeated allusions to his ailments, and shall find that, with all his care of himself, and the zealous help of the many friends who did their utmost to keep him alive, he was seriously hampered by complicated and increasing infirmities, the