201. Petition of English merchants on SpanishAmerican trade Parliament authorizes trade with the revolted Spanish colonies not to the do related only to the territorial settlement, Showeth That your petitioners are engaged in trade with the countries in America, formerly under the dominion of Spain. That the entire extinction of Spanish authority in the greater part of that continent, and the encouragement by the government at home, induced your petitioners to embark in that extensive commerce, with full confidence that it would receive the most complete protection, and ultimately prove most beneficial to themselves and the country at large. The measures adopted by the government most decisively demonstrated the anxiety to acquire and secure this intercourse. In the session of 1822 an act of Parliament was passed (cap. 43), authorizing the importation of goods, the growth, production, or manufacture of "any country or place in America, being or having been a part of the dominions of the king of Spain," either in British ships, or in ships the build of those countries. In the following year consuls were appointed to proceed to the ports thereof, and subsequently there has been made public the declaration of his Majesty's government, that, in its opinion, "the recognition of such of the new States as have established, de facto, their separate political existence cannot be much longer delayed." invested Your petitioners further humbly represent that many mil- Millions lions of capital have already been embarked in this trade; that already large commercial establishments have been formed both in in South South America and at home; and that past experience affords America b the strongest ground for believing that this commercial inter- Englishm course will admit of great extension, the reciprocal demand for the productions of the respective countries being constantly increasing. ee of trade Your petitioners consequently find themselves greatly em- Security barrassed by those countries remaining without any recog- demands nized political existence." Not a week passes but they are recognitio assailed with rumors of the most alarming kind, involving their independe proceedings in doubt, hesitation, and distraction, and grievously destructive of that confidence so essential to the success of all commercial undertakings. Your honorable House must be well aware that no commercial intercourse can be permanently carried on with security and advantage to those concerned, if it is rendered liable to fluctuation by constant alarms of political changes, necessarily producing sudden and excessive alterations in the value of the property embarked. dominion is really a an end That your petitioners are enabled to state, and to prove un- Spanish equivocally to your honorable House, that, in the several States of Colombia, Buenos Ayres, and Chili there does not remain the smallest vestige of Spanish dominion in any shape, each State enjoying its own government, separate and independent from all interference of a hostile force. That the revolution which has produced this alteration in the political condition of these countries has now been in progress fifteen years. In Buenos Ayres there has not been a Spanish soldier in hostility for eight years. In Chili there has been none for four years; and in Colombia the third annual Constitutional Congress is now sitting. In none of these States does there exist any party, or persons in possession of power or authority, excepting the constituted executive government. Your petitioners therefore humbly submit that these States have established, de facto, their separate political existence, and are, according to the practice of nations in former instances, entitled to be recognized as independent governments; but 202. President Mon roe's message they would not have presumed to have addressed your honorable House on a question of this nature, if the continued delay in recognizing this political existence did not produce the most detrimental consequences to the commercial transactions in which they are concerned. Your petitioners, therefore, most humbly pray that your honorable House will take this question into its serious consideration, and adopt such measures, as to its wisdom may seem fit, for promoting the immediate recognition of the independence of such of the States of South America as have, de facto, established the same. And your petitioners, as in duty bound, will ever pray. Like England the United States had excellent reasons for not wishing the restoration of Spanish dominion over the revolted American colonies. The possibilities of commerce with independent States were considerable, and as the United States was a new and comparatively weak country, its citizens regarded as dangerous to their liberties the reëstablishment of Spanish power on their southern borders by the aid of the more reactionary rulers of Europe. American statesmen did not realize how remote such a contingency was, and accordingly they regarded as ominous the congress at Verona. Therefore President Monroe, in his presidential message of December, 1823, defined the attitude of the United States toward the Spanish-American colonies and European intervention, thus enunciating the principles which were destined to become famous as the Monroe Doctrine. It was stated at the commencement of the last session that a great effort was then making in Spain and Portugal to imon foreign prove the condition of the people of those countries, and that intervention it appeared to be conducted with extraordinary moderation. in Spanish America (DeIt need scarcely be remarked that the result has been so far cember, 1823) very different from what was then anticipated. Of events in that quarter of the globe, with which we have so much intercourse and from which we derive our origin, we have always been anxious and interested spectators. The citizens of the United States cherish sentiments the most friendly in favor of the liberty and happiness of their fellow-men on that side of the Atlantic. In the wars of the European powers, in matters relating to themselves, we have never taken any part, nor does it comport with our policy so to do. It is only when our rights are invaded or seriously menaced that we resent injuries or make preparations for our defense. With the movements in this hemisphere we are of necessity. more immediately connected, and by causes which must be obvious to all enlightened and impartial observers. system o The political system of the allied powers is essentially differ- The poli ent in this respect from that of America. This difference proallied po ceeds from that which exists in their respective governments; is un-Am and to the defense of our own which has been achieved by ican the loss of so much blood and treasure, and matured by the wisdom of their most enlightened citizens and under which we have enjoyed unexampled felicity, this whole nation is devoted. We owe it, therefore, to candor and to the amicable relations existing between the United States and those powers, to declare that we should consider any attempt on their part to extend their system to any portion of this hemisphere as dangerous to our peace and safety. powers r With the existing colonies or dependencies of any European Interfere power we have not interfered and shall not interfere. But by Euro with the governments who have declared their independence garded a and maintained it, and whose independence we have, on great unfriend consideration and on just principles, acknowledged, we could not view any interposition for the purpose of oppressing them, or controlling in any other manner their destiny, by any European power in any other light than as the manifestation of an unfriendly disposition towards the United States. In the war between those new governments and Spain we declared our neutrality at the time of their recognition, and to this we have adhered, and shall continue to adhere, provided no change shall occur which, in the judgment of the competent The United States does not interfere in European politics But it cannot to European intervention in the New World authorities of this government, shall make a corresponding change on the part of the United States indispensable to their security. The late events in Spain and Portugal show that Europe is still unsettled. Of this important fact no stronger proof can be adduced than that the allied powers should have thought it proper, on any principle satisfactory to themselves, to have interposed by force in the internal concerns of Spain. To what extent such interposition may be carried, on the same principle, is a question in which all independent powers whose governments differ from theirs are interested, even those most remote, and surely none more so than the United States. Our policy in regard to Europe, which was adopted at an early stage of the wars which have so long agitated that quarter of the globe, nevertheless remains the same, which is, not to interfere in the internal concerns of any of its powers; to consider the government de facto as the legitimate government for us; to cultivate friendly relations with it, and to preserve those relations by a frank, firm, and manly policy, meeting in all instances the just claims of every power, submitting to injuries from none. allied powers But in regard to these continents, circumstances are emibe indifferent nently and conspicuously different. It is impossible that the should extend their political system to any portion of either continent without endangering our peace and happiness; nor can any one believe that our southern brethren, if left to themselves, would adopt it of their own accord. It is equally impossible, therefore, that we should behold such interposition in any form with indifference. If we look to the comparative strength and resources of Spain and those new governments, and their distance from each other, it must be obvious that she can never subdue them. It is still the true policy of the United States to leave the parties to themselves, in the hope that other power will pursue the same course. |