what had been laid down by the right hon. gentleman, for the House going the length required on this occasion. No fair case had been made out for its interference. The distress experienced was not the effect of any mercantile or local cause, but the result of a false system of paper money. These evils had long been prophesied as the results of that most inexpedient system. It was impossible the case of 1793 could be a precedent for such a resolution in these days, since the Bank Restriction act had subsequently passed and altered the whole face of things. Though nearly twenty years had since elapsed, we were now reaping the fruits of the baneful and destructive policy then introduced. Whatever the House might do in respect to the grant, he could not avoid protesting against the principle. Mr. Grenfell concurred with the noble lord in what he had said regarding paper currency, and he was happy to add, that that system was now about to terminate. The object was not to relieve the merchants and bankers, but the suffering population, as far as it was practicable; and if it were necessary that a communication should be made to the lord-lieutenant of Ireland before the present vote was carried into a law, he thought that much of the benefit would be destroyed by the delay. The Chancellor of the Exchequer observed, that the vote he had proposed was intended for the relief of the people of Ireland generally from the distress occasioned by recent failures, from whatever cause those failures might have arisen. With regard to delay, he agreed that it would be better to avoid it, and that the bill to be founded on the bill should be passed through all its stages without hesi tation. Mr. Foster said, that the object of the grant was, to stop the progress of the evil and not to encourage speculation. The necessity of an immediate remedy was obvious from the fact that eight banks had failed in the south-west of Ireland; and if the failures reached Dublin, it was probable that they would also extend northward, and materially injure the linen trade, now conducted through the medium of paper, but formerly depending upon gold alone. Only yesterday, advice was received of the stoppage of one Dublin bank connected with the north of Ireland; and the consequence had been a heavy run upon the most firmly established banks of that city. They had been able to sustain the pressure; but it was not unlikely, that if confidence were not restored, much serious inconvenience, to say the least of it, would be felt there. He trusted, therefore, that the bill would be passed with as much speed as the forms of the House would allow. Mr. C. Grant, after what had been so ably and feelingly stated on this subject, did not consider it necessary to trouble the committee with many words upon it. The object of the proposition was not to relieve the innocent and unfortunate sufferers. If such a measure could be accomplished, he was sure the House would do it by acclamation. But that was impossible; and all that could be done was, by circuitous means, to endeavour to obviate the extension of the evil. It was impossible for him, however, to advert to the distresses which so unhappily prevailed in the South of Ireland, without at the same time adverting to the temper and patience with which those distresses had been borne. Destitute as the inferior classes of the population were of the means of obtaining either employment or food, there was nevertheless no example among them (except in one trifling instance) of any resort to improper modes of relief. He wished further to say, that although he entirely agreed with his right hon. friend in the expediency of proceeding with the utmost dispatch in affording all the relief that could be afforded, the purpose of the grant had been, to a certain extent, anticipated by the lord lieutenant, who had, on his own responsibility, issued 100,000l. in the full confidence that parliament would sanction the proceeding. Mr. V. Fitzgerald expressed the high satisfaction which he felt at the proposition; and concurred with his right hon. friend near him in pressing on the House the immense importance of accelerating its execution, as he considered it to be pregnant with as much moral as practical advantage. When the people of Ireland saw that government and parliament had taken up the business as they had done, he did hope that a great deal of the immediate pressure would be diminished. If the learned doctor who had given a reluctant consent to the measure knew but a tenth part of the distresses that existed, and of the way in which they were submitted to, he would not have qualified his concurrence in the proposition as he had done. He begged leave to suggest to his right hon. friend the consideration, whe ther it would not be consistent with his duty to apprise the government of Ireland without delay of the vote of the House, and to take immediate measures on the faith of that vote. He wished it to be generally and immediately known in Ireland, that parliament had agreed to apply half a million, if necessary, to the relief of the existing distresses; as he was persuaded that the moral effect of such a communication would be very great, and that it might prevent much mischief. Mr. C. Grant, adverting to what had just fallen from his right hon. friend, said he had been authorized by his majesty's government to write to the lord lieutenant of Ireland, which he had that night done, to assure him that he might take such measures as were calculated to meet the evil, in the full confidence that they would receive the sanction of parliament. Mr. W. Parnell supported the resolu tion. Lord Castlereagh congratuled his native country on the strong sympathy and participation which was felt in the House with reference to the unhappy distress that prevailed in it. He had always been persuaded that such was the partial feeling of parliament for Ireland. If such a proposition had been made with regard to any part of England, it would have been viewed with considerable jealousy; but the resolution which had been that night moved by his right hon. friend, had been received but with one solicitude by all sides and all parties-namely, an anxiety to do all that it was possible to do for Ireland, under her present circumstances of pressure. He trusted that the measure, like other preceding measures of a similar description, would have a great practical operation; although he allowed, with his right hon. friend behind him, that the moral effect of it would be very consider able. He was persuaded that every hon. member who, like himself, was a native of the sister country, must feel great gratitude to parliament for their prompt acquiescence in his right hon. friend's proposi tion. Mr. Finlay, adverting to former measures which had been adopted under similar circumstances in this country, observed, that they had been productive of the greatest advantage to the community. He hoped and believed that the effect of the proposition would, in a great degree, arrest the evil. The Resolution was agreed to. MISCELLANEOUS SERVICES.] The House having resolved itself into a Committee of Supply, to which the Miscellaneous Services were referred, Mr. Arbuthnot moved "That 476,294 be granted to his Majesty, for defraying the expense of the Commissariat Department for the year 1820." Mr. Hume wished for some explanation of the reason, why the estimate of the present year was nearly 100,000l. greater than the estimate of the last. The estimate of the last year was 380,300%; that of the present 476,2941. Why was this? Adverting also to the way in which the commissariat, the storekeeper's department, &c. were all comprehended in one estimate, he strongly objected to this practice, and recommended that the estimates for the various branches of the public service should be stated singly; by which means they would be rendered more clear and intelligible. What he principally rose for, however, was to ask why there had been such an increase? He was certainly aware that there could not be an increase of troops, without an increase of expense; but here was the difficulty, which met the House in every quarter, and which proved the inexpediency of augmenting our military esta blishments. As Mr. Arbuthnot, in reference to the mode in which the present estimates were framed, said they had been drawn up by a very accurate and intelligent individual, with whose merits, he believed, the hon. gentleman was well acquainted. Next year they would be presented separately. to the cause of the extension of these estimates, he agreed with the hon. gentleman, that it was the consequence of the additional number of troops which it had been found necessary to embody. One item of increase, to the amount of 25,000l. had been occasioned by the clothing for the veteran battalions and the militia; the latter of which had been called out this year. In former years there had been a considerable balance in hand, perhaps to the amount of 40,000l., which had not existed in the last year. The resolution was agreed to. On the motion, "That 241,000. be granted for the service of the Barrack Department in Great Britain for the year 1820," Mr. Bennet deemed it right to call the attention of the committee to the amount of this vote, and the circumstances attending it. By the new schedule present litary insulting to the country, and dangerous to its permanent peace. Soldiers might put down an incidental disturbance; but who could say what evils might even ed in these estimates, an addition of 88,150%. to the expense of last year under this head was proposed to them. The objections, however, which he had to urge were rather to the system than to the im-tually arise from having eight or ten thoumediate alteration. He sincerely believed sand men in arms, permanently establishthat this additional expense might be ed in barracks in the heart of the British dispensed with, and could hardly conceive metropolis? It was not merely the exany evil in a free country greater than pense of the establishment that was objecthat of keeping a large number of soldiers tionable; although when the general poassembled in a body during a period of verty of the nation-when the statement peace. Such a state of things must con- which had been that night made by the tinually endanger, and place in a state of right hon. gentleman himself of the conrisk, the true exercise and administration dition of Ireland-when the complaints of a constitutional government. He could which were made, day after day, of the not view without alarm the collection of distresses of the various interests of the great bodies of men with arms in their country-when the petitions which were hands, residing under the same roof. He poured into the House from almost every might be speaking strongly, but it was an farmer, every trader, and every artizan, evident sign of a bad government when- describing their absolute ruin-when all ever it appeared to rely on the support of these things were considered, it was raan armed force. He had known, indeed, ther too much to find that the only answer instances of actual inconvenience arising of parliament to such representations, affrom the present system; but what he ter civilly receiving them, was to raise admeant chiefly to maintain was, that the ditional troops, to impose additional liberties of no country could be consider-charges on the people, and to keep perpeed safe whilst it continued. It now appeared, that two new barracks were to be erected in or about London. There had been two before, and now there were to be four. Was it possible that his majesty's ministers meant to convert London into a garrison town? What ground of necessity had been urged for establishing any thing of this kind at the King's-mews? He found in the estimates a proposed vote Mr. R. Ward, in order to show the neof 3,500l. for a new barrack in the City- cessity of erecting the barracks which had road. A large one was to be erected at been recently built in the country, advertManchester, there being one already of ed to several places, and particularly Chesconsiderable magnitude [Here it was ter and Carlisle, where such precautions intimated across the table, that the new had been taken in consequence of those London barrack was to be erected on the places having been reconnoitred by the other side of Waterloo-bridge]. Well, radicals, and declared so vulnerable that then, let that be as it might, he found that they might be taken in half an hour. With a new barrack was to be erected at Stock-reference especiallly to the latter city he port; and really he must say, that no go- had lately witnessed a scene there which vernment could stand in a more discredit- sufficiently proved the necessity of miliable light than that of appearing depend- tary protection; and he was persuaded ent for their means of support upon mea- that the hon. and learned member for sures or arrangements of this kind. He Winchelsea, who was present at that did not believe that any other country in scene, if he were in the House, would Europe was regulated in this manner, or corroborate his statement: he had seen a that any system of augmented military number of respectable individuals-ladies force, cr increasing barracks, was to be and gentlemen-who were going to a pubfound, except among this heavily burthen-lic entertainment in Carlisle, grossly ined people. For his own part, he never would reconcile his views to the consideration of London as a military station, like Potsdam, or other towns upon the contiHe thought the increase of the mi nent. tually going round that miserable and calamitous circle in which fresh distresses were productive only of fresh expenses, and those of course, in their turn, of fresh distresses. He should certainly feel it his duty to take the sense of the committee on that branch of the estimate under consideration, to which he had particularly adverted. sulted by the populace, and told that it was the last time they should ride in their carriages, and the last time they should wear diamonds. He was confident that the tranquillity of the country required the military protection which it was now receiving. Colonel Davies supported the opinion of Mr. Bennet. He observed that in 1818 the whole amount of the barrack expenditure was 99,000l., but in 1819, when every thing was supposed to be settled, and when it might be expected the military expenditures of the country would be greatly diminished, yet the charge for barracks was 123,500l. But he was astonished to find, that in this year an additional estimate of 88,000l. was proposed for building new barracks, exclusive of the charge for repairing old ones. Such appearances were most alarming. There was also a sum of 78,000l. for the department of barrack-masters, of whom there was a whole army in full pay. There was one or more in every town wherever a company was quartered. The duty of a barrack-master was merely to inspect the works, and see things in order for the reception of troops; but not only were those men employed where troops were quartered, but wherever they were likely to come. In every barrack there was also a barrack serjeant and clerk of the works, besides six or seven inspectors. It was impossible that so many persons could find fair employment, although they were a heavy expense to the country. Many of those persons were of a description unfit for the duty, while many experienced officers who had served their country, and were every way competent to the duty, were rejected. He knew of one town where the barrack-master was an apothecary, and another where a stone-mason filled the office. If government thought it absolutely necessary to build new bar racks, he hoped the barrack-masters would be transferred from those places in which they were not at present wanted. The present estimate was, however, only a part of the general system of ministers. One step naturally led to another; and it was impossible to say into what extent of expenditure the country would be plunged. It was difficult indeed to get at the facts. The subject was involved in the greatest mystery and obscurity; and any one who wished to investigate it had to wade through a mass of papers of which no one who had not made the attempt could have any conception. The Chancellor of the Exchequer said, he could assure the committee that the increase of the barrack expenditure was no voluntary act of his majesty's govern ment. It was one of those expenses which arose from the agitated state of the country. There could not by possibility exist any disposition on the part of government to inflict a large military expenditure on the public; but they had been obliged to adopt the measures which they had taken, for the protection of the loyal and industrious against the danger to which their lives and their property were subjected. The hon. member for Shrewsbury had objected to the erection of new barracks. Had he inquired into the representations made to government on the subject by the magistrates and other respectable individuals? Called upon as they had been, government were bound to afford the protection required of them. Having called on the country to make exertions for their self-defence, government were bound to give such assistance as would inspire just confidence. Under these circumstances it was not desirable that the soldiers should be mingled with a disturbed and agitated population. He certainly lamented the extended expense of our military force. But the direct expense of that force was not the most mischievous evil; the indirect expense, by the interruption of industry and the want of confidence which the necessity for that force occasioned, was the most to be regretted; and he was persuaded that the soundest and best economy which parliament and government could practise, would be to employ such a force as would effectally put an end to those disturbances and alarms, which were much more expensive in their consequences, than any means that could be adopted to repress them. With respect to the particular barracks alluded to by the hon. member, there was but one actually erecting in the metropolis. As to the King's Mews, provision had certainly been made there for the accommodation of a battalion of the guards. But the hon. member must be aware, that whenever any disturbance had taken place in the metropolis, that had always been considered a convenient station for either cavalry or infantry. racks that were erecting in different parts of the country, were so erecting in consequence of the applications that had been made to government for protection. If those applications could with propriety be communicated to parliament, he was sure they would not only be satisfied with what was doing, but would applaud the discre tion and moderation which government had manifested on the subject. Mr. Hume could not refrain from declaring that the subject was one on which he thought the people ought justly to feel great alarm. There were no less than 97 barracks in the country; all of them with regular establishments. It had been lately said by ministers, that the additional troops were requisite to meet a temporary exigency; if so, why provide them with permanent accommodation? In Manchester, for instance, where there was already one barrack, another was erecting at an expense of 28,000l.; so that, because that place was once disturbed, it seemed to be supposed that it must be so for ever. Byand-by, he presumed, York, or some other place, would have an additional barrack, in consequence of a similar presumption. At Stockport also (which was within eight miles of Manchester), an additional barrack was building, merely because there had been a little disturbance in that place which had not been quelled until the arrival of the military. The same was the case at Oldham, which was within four miles of Manchester. Good God!where would be the end of this, if, in every village in which any appearance of disquiet was manifested a barrack was to be built? What necessity was there for an additional barrack at Burnley? What necessity was there for an additional barrack at Carlisle? What necessity was there, in addition to the infantry barrack, for a barrack for a complete regiment of cavalry in Glasgow? He entreated ministers to pause in their course. He entreated them to consider the consequences of thus continually adding to the expenditure of the country. In Glasgow, for instance, there would no doubt be two barrack-masters, one for the infantry, the other for the cavalry. If there was the smallest disposition on the part of government to economise, the duty of superintending both those barracks might be discharged by one individual. At Maidstone, and at several other places there was this double establishment, which was wholly unneces⚫ sary: He hoped the hon. member for Shrewsbury would persist in taking the sense of the committee on the proposition for erecting new barracks, a measure, in his opinion, entirely uncalled for by the circumstances of the country. Mr. Arbuthnot said, that before his majesty's ministers had come to a determination to erect new barracks in the proposed districts, they had made every necessary inquiry on the subject, the result no of which was, that they found themselves forced to comply with the requests made to them from different parts of the country for protection. He was aware that temporary barracks would be best, if they could be obtained, but that was found impracticable. There were buildings in the districts where soldiers were required that could be appropriated to this purpose. This was felt by the local authorities, and so represented to government. It was also found, that if the troops were not kept totally to themselves, there would be neither safety for them nor the districts which they were sent to protect. With respect to what had fallen from an hon. member relative to the appointment of stone-masons, or other improper persons, to the office of barrack-master, he could only say, that no such appointments had taken place while he had been in office. He could assure the committee, that he had always used his utmost endeavours to appoint competent persons to such offices, and the greater part of those so appointed were reduced officers. He always selected the most deserving, even of that class of persons. He had only one observation to add; the barrack department had advised a reduction; they had no interests in the appointments, that being vested in the Treasury, and he could assure the committee, that such recommendation had in every instance been attended to. Mr. Abercromby observed, that he would not have said a single word on this occasion, were it not that he felt it necessary to state the reasons which induced him to vote for the motion of his hon. friend. He did not mean to enter now into that part of the question, which from the statement of the chancellor of the exchequer, appeared to be of so alarming a nature, particularly to those who understood the principles of the constitution. It would be idle now to enter upon that part of the question. The right hon. member had taken credit for a reduction being made in the barrack department, while on the other hand it was shown that it had been progressively increasing during the last three years. In a word, the statement of the chancellor of the exchequer was neither more nor less than this, that such was the state of the population of this country; such was the alienation of the people's feelings from the government of the country, that his majesty's |