powers act quickly, and the result of their action is easily expressed. But the reflective require time, both for action and expression. But since, in this hurrying age, stopping to think cannot be endured, the recitation of the scholar and the examination of the school, where the perceptive faculties have been chiefly appealed to, is frequently overrated, while that of the pupil or school where the reflective faculties have been disciplined, is as frequently underrated. This extreme makes the superficial scholar; is as deceitful as it is flattering, and should be especially guarded against by the teacher.

We have thus endeavored to show that Education has been, in turn, both the cause and the consequence of the condition of the world in all ages. We have spoken of two governing principles of action of the present age, and of some of the ways in which they are affecting education. We have, indeed, presented them in their worst features, and considered only the dangers that are to be feared from their extremes. We regret that time will not permit us to consider the other side, and to show that it is chiefly due to the prevalence of these principles, that our country has taken the rank which she has among nations, and that our people may boast of possessing more of the requisites for universal happiness than any other. For we do not wish to be classed with those who fear every thing and hope nothing. We have much faith in the educated common sense of the people, in the strong conservative power which underlies the wild vagaries that we fear, and which is

silently, but we trust effectually, counteracting extreme radicalism. Yet, after all, much depends upon the next generation, and much of their character depends upon the influences of the school-room. And we shall not have spoken in vain to-day, if we shall cause a single teacher to think more seriously of his part in this work.

If the coming generation shall be taught to think, if they shall be made to realize that liberty is not synonymous with lawlessness, nor equality with agrarianism; that men are born with different capacities; that respect is to be paid to talent, scholarship, and wisdom; that reverence is due to the experience of age; that obedience is to be given to something besides their own dictates, then may we hope that the result of the experiment which we are now trying, will not be added to the long list of failures which stain the pages of our history, and shake our confidence in man, but that we shall go on, giving an unimpeachable example of man's true power in self-government, spreading a benignant light, whose mild rays shall gently fall even upon the farthest nation, hastening that promised time when all mankind shall be at peace with each other, loving and being loved; when heaven itself shall be brought down to earth.

Would we give to our people intellectual education, then must we teach our youth to think, then must we despise the showy farces of superficial teaching, then must we cherish thorough instruction, severe discipline. Yet must we remember, that the failures in republican

ism have not been caused by failures in intellectual strength, but by the destitution of moral Christian principles. Religion is the only safeguard of Liberty. Whenever Liberty has deigned to dwell with us on earth, Religion has been her attendant spirit.

"Where she came,

There Freedom came; where she dwelt, there Freedom dwelt; Ruled where she ruled, expired where she expired."

LECTURE VI.

THE RELATION OF COMMON SCHOOLS TO HIGHER SEMINARIES.

BY CHARLES HAMMOND.

The system of common or free schools, so generally prevalent in this country, is mentioned with praise in all lands. It has conferred a most honorable distinction on that section of the American Union, where primary schools for the training of all the children and youth of the State, at the public expense, were first established, and where, from the first, they have been sustained with a constantly increasing interest.

It is to the lasting honor of New England, that, with so many of the elements of her most ancient institutions, this principle of universal, popular education, has been infused into the national character.

The fathers of New England were fortunate, in their efforts to found an empire to become the home of a free people, and they were fortunate, also, above all other founders of new states, in their clear apprehension, from the first, of the grand features of a policy which would prevail, when their infant institutions should be

come vigorous and mature. They founded a new and noble empire, and designated the true methods of making that empire immortal.

Fully aware that new systems of civil and church polity implied, as an absolute condition of success, great "maturity of reason," and high public morality, they aimed to instruct both the people and the teachers of the people in the best manner possible. Thus would the commonwealth be furnished with wise counsellors, and the churches, with learned pastors; and the people would be able to understand their public teachers, and judge for themselves of the conduct of all their public

servants.

Their efforts grew out of their firm convictions that the truth for which they had suffered so much, and contended for with so much success, would make free, even as they themselves were free, both their own descendants and all who should embrace it. They were well acquainted with all the forms and results of European civilization, and they had abandoned them in hope of

66

a better country." They most highly prized the schools and universities of the Old World, for their leading statesmen and pastors had enjoyed all the advantages of those seats of learning, and it was by means of the mental training thus received, that their own views of civil polity and religious doctrine were formed, and they were thus enabled, afterwards, to establish wisely and judiciously the foundations of a new State.

Knowing that they themselves must pass away, and leave to others their labors unfinished, they saw that their own great conceptions, and their own far-sighted