sides over the destinies of nations, and who will raise up friends to fight our battles for us. The battle, Sir, is not to the strong alone; it is to the vigilant, the active, the brave. Besides, sir, we have no election. If we were base enough to desire it, it is now too late to retire from the contest. There is no retreat, but in submission and slavery. Our chains are forged, their clanking may be heard on the plains of Boston. The war is inevitable; and let it come ! I repeat it, sir, let it come! It is in vain, sir, to extenuate the matter. Gentlemen may cry Peace, peace! but there is no peace! The war is actually begun! The next gale that sweeps from the north will bring to our ears the clash of resounding arms! Our brethren are already in the field! Why stand we here idle? What is it that gentlemen wish? What would they have? Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery? Forbid it, Almighty God! I know not what course others may take; but as for me, give me liberty, or give me death!-PATRICK HENRY (an American patriot, who distinguished himself by his speeches in favour of opposing Great Britain, at the breaking out of the revolutionary war).

SPEECH (1753) FOR REPEALING THE ACT CALLED THE JEW BILL.

MR. SPEAKER, I see no occasion to enter at present into the merits of the bill we passed the last session for the naturalization of Jews; because I am convinced, that, in in the present temper of the nation, not a single foreign Jew would think it expedient to take the benefit of that act; and, therefore, the repealing of it is giving up nothing. A wise government will know when to yield as well as when to resist; and there is no surer mark of littleness of mind in an administration than obstinacy in trifles. Public wisdom must, on some occasions, condescend to give way to popular folly, especially in a free country, where the humour of the people must be considered as attentively as the humour of a king in an absolute monarchy.

It has been, hitherto, the felicity of his Majesty's reign, that his subjects have enjoyed such a freedom from angry religious disputes, as has not been paralleled in any former times. The true Christian spirit of moderation, of charity, of universal benevolence, has prevailed in the people, has prevailed in the clergy of all ranks and degrees, instead of those narrow principles, those bigoted measures, that furious, that implacable, that ignorant zeal, which had often done so much hurt both to the church and the state. But, from the ill-understood, insignificant act of parliament which you are now moved to repeal, occasion has been taken to deprive us of this inestimable advantage. It behoves the piety, as well as the wisdom of Parliament, to disappoint their endeavours. The very worst mischief that can be done to religion, is to pervert it to the purposes of faction. Heaven and Hell are not more opposite than the benevolent spirit of the gospel, and the malignant spirit of party. The most impious wars ever made, were those called holy wars. He who hates another man for not being a Christian, or of his particular sect, is himself not a Christian. Christianity, sir, breathes love, and peace, and goodwill to man. A temper conformable to the dictates of that holy religion has lately distinguished this nation; and a glorious distinction it was! But there is latent, at all times, in the minds of many, a spark of enthusiasm, which, if blown by the breath of a party, may, even when it seems quite extinguished, be suddenly revived, and raised to a flame. The act of last session, for naturalizing Jews, has very unexpectedly administered fuel to the flame. To what a height it may rise, if it should continue much longer, one cannot easily tell; but, take away the fuel, and it will die of itself.

The repealing of this act appears to be a reasonable and safe condescension; but all beyond this would be dangerous weakness in government: it might open a door to the wildest enthusiasm, and to the most mischievous attacks of political disaffection working upon that enthusiasm. If you encourage and authorize it to fall on the synagogue it will go from thence to the meeting-house, and, in the end, to the palace. Let us be careful to check its further progress. The more zealous we are to support Christianity,

the more vigilant should we be in maintaining toleration. If we bring persecution, we bring back the anti-Christian spirit of popery; and, when the spirit is here, the whole system will soon follow. Toleration is the basis of all public quiet. It is a charter of freedom given to the mind, more valuable, I think, than that which secures our persons and estates. Indeed, they are inseparably connected; for, where the mind is not free, where the conscience is enthralled, there is no freedom. Spiritual tyranny puts on the galling chains; but civil tyranny is called in, to rivet and fix them. We see it in Spain, and many other countries: we have formerly both seen and felt it in England. By the blessing of God, we are now delivered from all kinds of oppression. Let us take care that they may never return. LORD LYTTLEton.

SPEECH ON THE SECOND READING OF THE
REFORM BILL, IN THE HOUSE OF LORDS.
OCT. 7TH, 1831.

You stand, my Lords, on the brink of a great event; you are in the crisis of a whole nation's hopes and fears. An awful importance hangs over your decision. Pause ere you plunge! There may not be any retreat! It behoves you to shape your conduct by the mighty occasion. They tell you not to be afraid of personal consequences in discharging your duty; I, too, would ask you to banish all fears; but, above all, that most mischievous, the most despicable, the fear of being thought afraid. If you will not take counsel from me, take example from the statesmanlike conduct of the noble Duke; while you also look back, as you may, with satisfaction on your own. He was told, and you were told, that the impatience of Ireland for equality of civil rights was partial, the clamour transient, likely to pass away with its temporary occasion; and that yielding to it, would be conceding to intimidation. What, nevertheless, did your Lordships do ? Your duty! For you despised the cuckoo-note of the season, "not to be inti

midated." You granted all that the Irish demanded, and you saved your country. We stand in a truly critical position. If you reject the Bill through fear of being thought intimidated, we may lead the life of retirement and quiet, but the hearts of the millions of our fellowcitizens are gone for ever; their affections are estranged; we, and our order, and its privileges, are the objects of the people's hatred-as the only obstacles which stand between them and the gratification of their most passionate desire. The whole body of the aristocracy must expect to share this fate, and be exposed to feelings such as these; for I hear it constantly said, that the Bill is rejected by all the aristocracy; favour, and a good number of supporters, our adversaries allow it has among the people; the ministers, too, are for it; but the aristocracy say they, strenuously opposed it; I broadly deny this silly thoughtless assertion. What! my Lords, the aristocracy set themselves in a mass against the people! They who sprang from the people—are inseparably connected with the people-are supported by the people-are the natural chiefs of the people! They set themselves against the people; for whom the peers are ennobled, bishops consecrated, kings anointed: the people, to serve whom, Parliament itself has an existence; and without whom none of them could exist for an hour? The assertion of unreflecting men is too monstrous to be endured. As a member of this House, I deny it with indignation; I repel it with scorn, as a calumny upon us all. And yet are there those who, even within these walls, speak of the Bill's augmenting so much the strength of the democracy, as to endanger the other orders of the State; and so they charge its authors with promoting anarchy and rapine. Why, my Lords, have its authors nothing to fear from democratic spoliation? The fact is that there are members of the present cabinet who possess, one or two of them alone, far more property than any two administrations within my recollection, and all of them have ample wealth. I need hardly say, I include not myself, who have little or none. But even of myself I will say, that whatever I have depends on the stability of existing institutions, and it is as dear to me as the princely possessions of any amongst you. Permit me to say, that

in becoming a member of your house, I staked my all on the aristocratic institutions of the State. I abandoned certain wealth, a large income, and much real power in the state, for an office of great trouble, heavy responsibility, and very uncertain duration. I say, I gave up substantial power for the shadow of it, and for distinction depending upon accident. I quitted the elevated station of representative for Yorkshire, and a leading member of the Commons. I descended from a position quite lofty enough to gratify any man's ambition; and my lot became bound up in the stability of this House. Then, have I not a right to throw myself on your justice, and to desire that you will not put in jeopardy all I have now left. My Lords, I do not disguise the intense solicitude which I feel for the event of this debate; because I know full well that the peace of the country is involved in the issue. I cannot look without dismay at the rejection of the measure; but grievous as may be the consequences of a temporary defeat, temporary it can only be, for its ultimate, and even speedy success, is certain; nothing can now stop it. Do not suffer yourselves to be persuaded, that even if the present ministers were driven from the helm, any one would steer you through the troubles that surround you, without reform. But our successors would take up the task in circumstances far less auspicious; under them you would be fain to grant a bill, compared with which, the one we now proffer you is moderate indeed. Hear the parable of the Sibyl; for it conveys a wise and wholesome matter. She now appears

at your gate, and offers you mildly the volumes-the precious volumes of wisdom and peace: the price she asks is reasonable to restore the franchise; which, without any bargain, you ought voluntarily to give. You refuse her terms-her moderate terms; she darkens the porch no longer. But soon, for you cannot do without her wares, you call her back again she comes, but with diminished measures; the leaves of the book are in part torn away by lawless hands; in parts defaced by characters of blood. But the prophetic maid has risen in her demands, it is Parliament by the year--it is vote by ballot-it is suffrage by the million! From this you turn away indignant, and for the second time she departs. Beware of her third