"EPITAPH ON A CELEBRATED PROFESSOR OF MIDWIFERY, who, after having faithfully discharged the most important duties of a Married Man for near half a century, died childless.

MEMORIE
X Y.

In Academia Edinburgena
Artis obstetricæ quondam Professoris,
Qui

Lucinam sine Venere,
Venerem sine Lucina,
Coluit:

Filios post mille
Reipublicæ datos,
Eheu!

Sine Liberis decessit.
Bella inter intestina
Manu forti,

Sed sine Marte,
Liberatoris

Nomen adeptus est.
Respicite Matres,
Prospicite Virgines,
et lugete!"

Other epitaphs follow, some jocular and others serious: the fol. lowing is elegant, but certainly not Macaronic.

EPITAPH ON DAVID DOEG, LL.D. Written by himself, and engraved on a Monument erected to his Memory after his death, in the Churchyard of Stirling, at the public expence.

Fui

DAVID DOEG,

Scholæ Latinæ apud Sterlinenses,
Per XL annos Præpositus.

Edidici quædam, perlegi plura, notavi
Paucula; cum Domino mox peritura suo.
Lubrica Pieriæ captabam præmia palmæ,
Credulus, ingenio heu nimis alta meo!
Extincto, famam ruituro crescere saxo,
Posse putem vivo, quæ mihi nullo fuit.
Non omnis moriar; ridebit munus inane
Carminis ac tumuli, spiritus alta petens'

The number concludes with a parody on Phillips's Translation of Sappho's Ode, said to be written by an eminent Barrister; and published, as we well remember, upwards of twenty years ago, in one of the Magazines.

It would be a task deserving great encouragement to attempt the recovery of those practical jeux d'esprit which the long and successful cultivation of literature in Scotland must have produced. How many epigrams and ballads may have been locked up in port-folios, from the dread of political animosities which are now happily done

H 3

away!

away! We beg leave to suggest these hints to the consideration of the present ingenious editor.

Art. 29. John and Dame; or the Loyal Cottagers. By Mr. Pratt. 12mo, 4d. 8vo. or 1s. 6d. R. Phillips.

The sentiments of the Loyal Cottagers, aud of their poetic historian, are worthy of cordial praise: but we cannot compliment our old acquaintance on the success which has here attended his visit to the Olympian Mount. Many of his lines are deficient even in the common observance of grammar.

POLITICS.

Art. 30. Reflections on the present Crisis of Public Affairs. By Charles Tweedie, F.A.S. 8vo. 2s. 6d. Stockdale.

Being not less alive to the preservation of our national Honour than to that of our national Independence, we must be as solicitous to refute the calumny of our enemy as to defeat all his attempts to subdue us. Several writers have already drawn the pen in this warfare, to which list we are now to add the name of Mr Tweedie ; who not only undertakes to exculpate Great Britain from the charge of perfidy for retaining Malta, but to shew that it is a measure as much approved by Policy as demanded by Justice. He contends that the Order of St. John of Jerusalem could not possibly be placed in that state of Independence, which the articles of the Treaty of Amiens required; and that to surrender it to the miserable remains of the Order, with its property diminished by confiscation since the signature of the Treaty, would be in effect to surrender it to France, against which event it was the evident object of every stipulation to guard. The avowed purposes of France respecting Egypt, and the East, are urged as farther sufficient reasons for our refusing to surrender Malta: but we must excuse ourselves from detailing these arguments, because, though they be judicious, they are not new. Mr. T. denies that Malta is the cause of the war, and regards it only as the point at which we made a stand against a series of insults, and resolved on asserting our national dignity. By Bonaparte's public declaration that England alone cannot maintain a struggle against France," menace was substituted for negociation, and concession on our part could only have been regarded as cowardice. At the question of Malta, the enemy would not have stopped: but demand would have followed demand, till at last, perhaps, he would have required that all our men of war should have been given up to him as the price of the continuance of peace. To such a peace, however, who would not prefer war? It is better to meet the foe, and even to perish in the conflict, than to live by his sufferance, enchained and insulted. To all threats, the British Nation can make but one reply. It wishes to cultivate peace and to fulfil its engage. ments with surrounding states: but it will never brook the idea of being driven to any measure by an hostile bayonet.

Convinced

Convinced that the war is unavoidable and just, Mr. T recommends the prosecution of it with vigour. He would not wait for the attack, but would prevent it, and turn the assailant into the defender. He thinks that, in the present state of Europe, war is to be preferred to peace; in as much as, with the stupendous power which France now possesses, a treaty cannot be concluded with safety and advantage. In short, it is his decided opinion that the only thing which can save us is-War! Non ego (says he, in the words of Cicero) pacem nolo, sed, pacis nomine, BELLUM INVOLUTUM reformido. That the bloody recipe of war may be cheerfully adopted, he prophetically assures us that it will lead to the foundation of a new epoch in the history of Europe.'"Proceed, bright days!" Art. 31. Thoughts on the Invasion threatened by Bonaparte: With Notes illustrative of many unknown Crimes committed by the dif ferent Members of the Consular Government. Translated from the French of E. M., One of the Chiefs of the Royalist Party in the South of France. 8vo. 25. Longman and Co.

This pamphlet professes to come from the pen of a young Frenchman, who represents himself as having scarcely commenced his career of life, and yet as having been the royalist chief in the South of France. In one respect it bears the stamp of youth; since vehemence unchastised by discretion is its prominent character. The author is what Dr. Johnson would call " a very good hater:" his indignation against Bonaparte boils over in almost every period; and, that he might not be suspected of any ill judged lenity, he charges him with every description of vice. So much is he in a rage against the French regicides, that he almost forgets the title of his pamphlet, and is more occupied with enforcing the idea that the entire destruction of the French Government is as important as the fall of, those men who now hold the reins,' than with our threatened danger. From such an intemperate writer, the British nation wants no advice. John Bull, in case of Invasion, must depend on his own good sense and courage.

Art. 32. The Danger of Invasion, and the Means of Defence, fairly estimated; with a few Remarks submitted to the Consideration of Government and of the Public. By a Military Officer,

2s. 6d. Hatchard.

8vo.

Unlike the foregoing most passionate declamation, the pamphlet now before us is temperate, rational, and directed to the point in view, viz. to quiet the minds of the people, as well as to rouse them to a sense of the real danger When in 1719 a rumour of Invasion prevailed, the Great Duke of Marlborough gave it, in council, as his decided opinion that the attempt was so hazardous that he questioned whether it would be made, and that, if made, it could be easily defeated. In subsequent periods of alarm from the same quarter, similar reports have been presented to government by military men of great knowlege and experience. Yet, under the peculiar circumstances of France, it would be absurd in us to depend too much on the extreme difficulties or hazards which must attend such an enterprise. As this writer advises, regard must be had

not only to plans of probable but to plans of possible execution, and provision must be made against both. It ie his opinion that the enemy, setting all difficulties at defiance, will attempt his favourite object, if there be the least remissness or relaxation in our preparations to receive him :' but we are resolved to give him no hope from this quarter. The nation is roused; and with a population of fifteen millions, with such resources in ability, public spirit, national wealth, and local circumstances, it seems fitted to defy not only France, but the world in arms.' We cannot detail the professional hints presented by this writer, relative to arming, drilling, and ge. neral tactics: but they appear to us to be judicious. We contemplate with satisfaction the alacrity of our warriors, both as it does honour to the spirit of the country, and as it diminishes the chances of Invasion.

Art 33 An Appeal from the Passions to the Sense of the Country, upon Buonaparlé and Invasion. 8vo. 6d. Stockdale.

After having offered the most enthusiastic praise to the abilitics and merits of Mr Pitt, this writer proceeds to his professed subject. Though confident of repelling the enemy, he does not wish to see him land, and thinks that every exertion should be made to prevent it. He is a strenuous advocate for a regular military force, in preference to the measure of arming the people; as, on Dr. Smith's principle of the division of labour, it is best for a state that soldiers should be soldiers, -weavers, weavers,-and farmers, farmers.

Art. 34. A Candid Appeal to Public Confidence; or, Considerations on the actual and imaginary Dangers of the present Crisis. By T. M. Moore, Esq. 8vo. IS. Stockdale. One sentence will display Mr. Moore's opinion. The difficulties which are inseparable from the execution of any plan of Invasion, and those with which the enemy must be surrounded, should their attempt succeed in the first instance, are so great and so manifold, that, as long as we exhibit the formidable aspect of an armed nation, we may be justified in considering them as insuperable.' From a comparison of the resources of France with those of Great Britain, and from a consideration of the British character, arguments are drawn in support of public confidence; yet, while Mr. M. protests against despondency, he cautions his countrymen against being supine.

Art. 35. What have we to fight for? An Address to the Freeholders of Middlesex, who met at the Crown and Anchor Tavern on July 29, 1803, to celebrate the last Election of Members of Parliament for that County, On their Duty as Britons, at the present important Crisis. 8vo. Is. 6d. Hatchard.

The motto, "Awake! Arise! or be for ever fall'n !" manifests that the tendency of this pamphlet is equally patriotic with those which we have just noticed. The object of the writer is to reply to the singular speech of Sir F. Burdett, which excited such general disapprobation. In answer to the question What have we to fight for? it isseplied, We have to fight for the preservation of a great Commu

、

I

nity,

nity, which exhibits a finer spectacle of intellectual and moral worth, than has ever been exhibited from the first "syllable of recorded time." For the preservation of such an object, Britons will no doubt 'quit themselves like men. Indeed, this writer expands his views beyond the boundaries of mere local and patriotic, attachment. He considers this country as the last retreat of the Liberty of Europe, and as the citadel of the civilization and order of all nations. Thus are we represented as fighting not only for ourselves but for the world, in as much as the Independence of Nations is bound up in the issue of this great quarrel. Are surrounding states, then, so infatuated, that they look on as calm spectators, and do not unite with us in a cause which is as much theirs as our own?

Art. 36. A Letter to a Roman Catholic Gentleman of Ireland, on the Chief Consul Bonaparte's projected Invasion. By Charles Butler, Esq. 8vo. 3d. White.

Mr. Butler (the well-known and respectable conveyancer, of Lincoln's Inn) offers it as his own opinion that, after all the vauntings and threats of Bonaparte, he must make the attempt to invade us; being impelled to this measure by his feelings, his interest, and the circumstances of the times. He then represents the miserably subversive consequences which would result from his success, and urges this fair statement as a strong reason for vigour and united resistance against the invading enemy. He reminds the Catholics of Ireland of the obligations which they owe to his present Majesty, and bids them reflect on the loss which they must sustain by exchanging his government for that of Consular France.

Art. 37. An Appeal to the public Spirit of Great Britain. By Charles Marsh, Esq., Lincoln's Inn. 8vo. 3s. Cadell and Davies.

In this as in many other pamphlets of the same nature and the same laudable tendency, which are now issuing in legions from the press, the public are invited to consider well the species of enmity which we are to encounter, to estimate its peculiar character and dangers, and to disdain that creeping sentiment which calculates privations and personal sacrifices, when a gigantic evil threatens to overwhelm the whole community. Mr. Marsh labours to rouse the amor patrie of his countrymen, and their indignation against the foe, to the highest pitch; and if his ardent zeal degenerates at times into verbose declamation, it is a fault which criticism cannot, on the present occasion, presume to censure with rigour. The general apology of every political writer must now be, Quis teneat se?

Art. 38. The grand Contest deliberately considered; or a View of the Causes and probable Consequences of the threatened Invasion of Great Britain. With a Sketch of the Life and Actions of the First Consul; particularly since the Peace of 1802, Addressed to Britons. By Francis Blagdon, Esq. To which are subjoined, Notes Historical and Explanatory, and a British War-song, set to Music, for the Piano-Forté, by the Author. 8vo. IS. Vernor and Hood.

Mr.