5.-Because piety towards God and conscientious discharge of duty to man, are the direct and immediate results of Natural Religion or philosophic contemplation, which cost nothing.

6.-Because no European Government trusts to moral principles as taught by Established. Churches; but have compulsory Laws to punish great and little crimes; which would generally be restrained, if Education was directed on different principles than is generally practised.

7. Because the Church Lands are equivalent to maintain its Clergy without encroaching on the Liberty and Industry of a most deserving people; who, by various means, have a legal right to avoid Tythes, to which the Parson has no Freehold Title.

8.-Because, from the example of the United States of America, we know that an Established Church is not needful to the spiritual nor temporal welfare of a people.

9. Because that from the Tythe Laws have sprung much suffering, persecution and ruin, among the people of England and Ireland, from which the people of France and Scotland are happily free.

of man.

10. Because, that from the discussion, enquiry and reasoning on the nature and origin of worship, which have taken place within the last thirty years, it appears that to think and speak, requires no toleration from the law That even the fundamental principles of what is called the Christian Dispensation are not grounded in Truth; and from its history, we have woeful experience that it has not produced the fruits inseparable from the Religion of Humanity. Moreover, from the daily increasing number of Dissenters and Unbelievers, whose interest is affected, and with the burden of an enormous national debt, it may naturally be predicted› that if this Church by Law established is not soon by Law deprived of its Tythes, it will by force be extinguished.

Printed and Published by Richard Carlile, 62, Fleet-street, where all Communicatious, post-paid, or free of expense, are requested to be left.

THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON'S ADMINISTRATION! 'MILITARY GOVERNMENT-SHOCKING! CONSTITUTION IN DANGER-OH! MOST HORRIBLE CIRCUMSTANCE!! SOLDIERS IN THE CABINET-MOST UNCONSTITUTIONAL!!!

DESIRING, as we do desire, and working upon that desire, as we do most industriously work, for the accomplishment of the annihilation of the superstition, or the religion of mankind, and for the overthrow of all government, but that which consists of laws made by the representatives of the people, chosen by the majority of the people, we cannot be misunderstood, when we attack the politicians of the day, who attack the administration formed by the Duke of Wellington, because the head and some of the 'members have been soldiers: and we do attack those politicians, because we do perceive in them more constitutional imbecility, in relation to their political minds, than we perceive in the constitution of the country that is represented or carried on by the military administration of the Duke of Wellington, or than we perceive in the mental powers of that administration; and because we do perceive that such paltry, dissatisfied, or if not dissatisfied, habitually and constitutionally complaining politicians, without resting on any good political principles, without exhibiting any better political principles than the Duke of Wellington and his administration exhibit, do more mischief in the country than the Duke can by any present possibility do.

See how "extremes meet," is one of the wise saws of these political imbeciles, and will be so on this article. There is no other union of sentiment between the extremes, than an honest detestation of your political hypocrisy and your constitutional balderdash. We despise your clamour, and hate you for your

Printed and Published by R. CARLILE, 62, Fleet Street. No. 24-VOL. I. 3 B

political pretensions. We want politicians, who will oppose known principles of wrong, by and upon known principles of right: and not such as grumble because they cannot carry on the known principles of wrong upon their own schemes, and with their own men. Nothing can be more clear, than the point hinted by Mr. Cobbett, that the political venom of Dr. Black, the editor of the Morning Chronicle, now poured forth upon the administration of the Duke of Wellington, arises from the circumstance, that, in the ejection of Mr. Huskisson and his political colleagues from the administration, the Doctor has lost his last immediate hope of following Dr. Stoddart, the late editor of the New Times, to a post in the colonies, or, of a sinecurial holding of a post, that may, as in the case of Stewart, under Pitt's administration, and that of Perry, under Fox's administration, be performed in its duties by deputy, and a hired and servile editing of the paper be continued. We have more to fear, the country has more to fear, from the mischiefs and wickednesses of such politicians as these, than from any mischiefs or wickednesses that can arise from the military administration of the Duke of Wellington. There are no good political principles associated with the newspaper press of this country. We know not one intelligent, bold, honest, and trickless editor in the metropolis. We see nothing in the provincial papers, that occasionally come in our way, to strike at the root of our political evils. Seeing this to be the case, knowing that the past administrations of this country have been chiefly comprised of soldiers, priests, and lawyers, we candidly confess, that we prefer the plain or naked decision of the soldier, to the mystery and divinity, or the hypocrisy of the priest, or to the trick and chicane, and the multitudinous and unintelligible laws, of the lawyer: and we infer more happiness among the people, more national dignity, more of every thing agreeable to human nature, from a purely military administration, than from any thing that has been hitherto in this country called a civil administration of government.

We

We are drawn to this personal subject, which we deem the lowest point of our political touchings, in consequence of an article which we have received" on military governments." do not like to refuse insertion to this article, nor to any well-written article, as, professing free discussion, we are always pleased to present every side of a question to the reader's consideration. But we receive and treat this article, as a chiming in with the paltry political clamour of the day, and, as corresponding with the ever-mutable nonsense, which O'Connell sends us weekly from Dublin; therefore, thinking that such a paper is at this moment calculated to do mischief, if sent forth without a correcting comment, we have prepared this short article to precede it.

According to our political calculations and discernment, the fears expressed, but we presume not felt, about a military government in this country, are futile. The government has always

been essentially military. It cannot be in reality more so. The soldier may exist without the priest and the lawyer; but the priest and the lawyer, in the character in which the lawyer stands in this country, cannot exist without the help of the soldier. The soldier would exist more happily without than with the priest and the lawyer: and if the people cannot free themselves from all tyranny, let their prayers and their endeavours be put forth to reduce it to the simple and undisguised tyranny of the soldier. We have now a three-fold tyranny, a real and tyrannical trinity in unity, in political substance, as well as in religious theory. We have now to contend with the soldier, the priest, and the lawyer. It will be a high relative state of freedom, if we side with the soldier, and get rid of the priest and the lawyer. Such a change would amend the condition of the soldier, as well as of the people, so long as the soldier were wanted; and when no longer wanted, he would fall into his share of the general welfare as a citizen, free from the tyranny of the priest and the lawyer. A priest or a lawyer can never be a useful citizen; but the soldier may return to useful citizenship. It must be borne in mind, that we speak of lawyers as at present educated in this country, and not as what they would be, if chastened by better laws.

One reason why the Duke of Wellington cannot increase the military rule of this country is, that his soldiers must march each with his share of the parliamentary debt in his knapsack, which must be one continued obstacle to his military motions, unless he can get them to shake it off with such a dividend as the property of the Crown, Church, and Corporations will afford, increased, if it please the Duke, with a tithe or two of the property of the Aristocracy, or Parliamentary Debt Contractors.

We are wasting more time and paper on this subject than it is really worth; but we have felt a growing indignation at the growing clamour about the military administration of the Duke of Wellington. The Duke, as yet, has really done nothing but what is better than it would have been done under the administration of Canning, Liverpool, Eldon, Castlereagh, or Sidmouth. Canning, last year, vowed hostility toward any approach to a repeal of the Corporation and Test Acts; nor did he pledge himself to do any one useful thing; nor was the former part of his life a pledge of any thing useful; but the contrary: while the Duke is pledged to nothing, and if unshackled by the influence of priests and lawyers, is so much of a plain, honest, and sincere man, with a promptness in decision and action, that he would most assuredly follow the current of public opinion. We are sure of one thing, the Duke is not a lawyer, therefore he is superior to Eldon, Brougham, or Scarlett: he is not a fanatic, not religious; therefore, he is superior to Sidmouth, Bexley, or Liverpool: he is not an intriguer; therefore he is superior to Castle

reagh, Huskisson, or Canning. His only known fault is, that he has been a successful soldier, and that, considering his education and the times, is a fine feather in his cap. To the Duke we would say, if you are for civil warfare or new military rule at home, our pens against your sword, for whatever you durst venture.

What kings decree, the soldier must obey,

Wag'd against foes; and, when the wars are o'er,

Fit only to maintain despotic pow'r :

Dangerous to freedom, and desir'd alone

By kings, who seek an arbitrary throne;

They're men inured to blood, and exercis'd in ill.-DRYDEN.

Ir seems to be the determination of the government of this country to do all in its power to obliterate or deface every thing which may, in any way, be advantageous or beneficial to the people; the truth of which, I think, is apparent even to the most careless observer of passing events. How long such a line of policy will be persisted in, it is impossible for me to predict, but unless an alteration takes place, England will be in a short time equal to the greatest system of despotism in the universe; for it is impossible to look at the changes in the government of this country within the last few months, without coming to this conclusion. I allude more particularly to the appointment of military officers to situations in the Cabinet (not excepting the Prime Minister) an appointment, in my opinion, fraught with the most dangerous political consequences. Although we have not got a military government, strictly speaking, yet this is a beginning towards the formation of one, and therefore we ought to check its progress as far as possible.-And as in the human body, if an arm, leg, or any other part, should be fo far affected as to endanger the whole, we adopt that plan, either by amputation or other means, which may restore it to health-so it is with the body politic, when the component parts become similarly affected, we should endeavour to lop off or eradicate them, in order to restore it to its pristine vigour.

Montesquieu says, "The political liberty of the subject is a tranquillity of mind, arising from the opinion each person has of his safety. In order to have this liberty, it is requisite the government be so constituted as one man need not to be afraid of another." This is a clear and philosophical definition of liberty, and a corner-stone upon which every form of government ought to be erected; for unless there is a confidence placed in the govern ment of a country, there cannot be any liberty-but fear, distrust and hatred, by its inhabitants. And this must assuredly be the case in a military government, so inimical in itself to the civil and social system.

A soldier is not the best person to be invested with power, for he is not likely to use it with that composure and forbearance which is so necessary under a free constitution. Bred in camps, inured to war and carnage, and subject to discipline of the severest and most degrading kind, he is not