exalted character, that they should, by a public expression of their wishes, overrule this singularity of feeling; and, accordingly, in one of the following meetings, they drew up a Resolution, by which GRANVILLE SHARP was appointed Chairman of the Committee, as "father of the cause in England *.”

But no external action could at any time make him swerve from a rule of conduct which he had once laid down for himself as right to bẻ pursued. He felt warmly the honour of such a mark of respect, but he was no hypocrite in his wish to decline it. Although he felt, that, the office being assigned to him, he was bound by the resolution of the Committee to consider it as an object of his duty; and although, in consequence, he regularly (when in town) attended every meeting of the Society, and signed as Chairman every paper that was handed to him, he was never once seated in the chair during the long continuance of twenty years :-" conscious" (says Mr. Clarkson) (says Mr. Clarkson)" that he engaged in the cause of his fellow-creatures, solely upon the sense of his duty as a Christian, he seemed to suppose, either that he had done nothing extraordinary to merit such a distinction, or to have been fearful lest the acceptance of it should bring a stain upon the motive, on which alone he undertook it +."

History of the Abolition of the Slave Trade," vol. i.

+ Ibid.

In another publication, before quoted, the same Author says, "In no one instance could Mr. Sharp be prevailed upon to take the chair. The Writer of this article has attended above seven hundred Committees and Sub-Committees with him, and yet, though sometimes but few were present, he always seated himself at the end of the room; choosing rather to serve the glorious cause in humility through conscience, than in the character of a distinguished individual."

The solution of this apparent singularity will be partly found in the following extract from a letter to one of his brothers.

"The Committee associated for the Abolition of the Slave Trade have thought proper to choose me their Chairman, and much business has been done in my name, though I have never yet been in the chair, but have only signed the letters that have been sent to me; for I previously told the gentlemen, that it would be impossible for me to undertake any additional trouble; and they answered, that they would only desire the use of my name and signature, and would, among themselves in rotation, undertake to write all the letters. And they gave me a reason, which was excellent (being chiefly Quakers): they wished to lay aside every peculiarity which might seem to belong to a particular sect; for they hoped to have the Society consist of all denominations of Christians, and therefore they would write the letters just as if they were formed by myself. This is a great concession." That

The great extent of action into which he had entered previously to the formation of the Committee, in endeavouring to excite the feelings, and call forth the reason, of men in every branch of power in the state, to whom he could procure access, was now no longer incumbent on him. The zeal which he had so strenuously laboured to communicate, now burned in the bosoms of thousands, of all of whom the Committee might be said to be the representatives, or especial delegates; and in his appointment to the chair he seemed only to receive a commission to watch and guard the holy flame, which he had kindled.

But the views announced by the Society, in their determination on the title which they assumed, did not correspond with the hopes which his capacious mind had formed, and he could not admit the diminution of them without a struggle. The vast object of his benevolence, the abolition of slavery throughout the world, appeared to him to be at stake. He feared it might be compromised by the adoption of subordinate measures; and, while he accepted the honour designed for him, the ardour of his character, the zeal of his heart, and the profound interest of his feelings in the sufferings of humanity, all

That he also felt a real desire to avoid all appearance of individual distinction in the Committee, is evident from his reply to the following request from Lord Muncaster:

To Granville Sharp. Esq.

"Sir, "Muncaster House, 18th February, 1791. "A print of our most admirable and excellent friend, Mr. Wilberforce, is nearly finished, from a picture he was so good as to sit for at my solicitation; and as I do not know to whom, with so much public propriety and gratification, it could possibly be dedicated, as to you, Sir, and the Society for the Abolition of the Slave Trade, I beg leave to solicit your permission that it may be so....I felt it to be an attention due on my part to apply for your approbation, before I give the order for its being done." “With the fullest esteem," &c.

"My Lord,

G. S. in reply.

"MUNCASTER."

"27th August, 1791.

"The Gentlemen of the Committee concur in approving your Lordship's proposal for the dedication of Mr. Wilberforce's portrait. As for myself, I have so sincere a respect for the general character and abilities of Mr. Wilberforce, that I cannot think myself worthy to be mentioned expressly by name in the dedication of his picture, but only in my office of Chairman— To the Chairman and Committee,' &c. &c.—though perhaps there would be more propriety in dedicating merely To the Society;' or, perhaps, 'To the several Societies assembled throughout the Kingdom,' &c. &c."

pressed forward and burst impetuously forth. He rose in the Committee, and expressed himself with vehemence on the criminal forbearance of all who declined to engage in the great duty of associating for the Abolition of Slavery as well as of the Slave Trade.

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Mr. Clarkson has recorded the discussion which took place at this meeting*; and the present anecdote is added from the same authority. Of ten persons who were present, Granville stood singly for including the abolition of slavery in the title of the Society. "As slavery," he asserted, was as much a crime against the Divine laws as the Slave Trade, it became the Committee to exert themselves equally against the continuance of both; and he did not hesitate to pronounce all present guilty before God, for shutting those, who were then slaves all the world over, out of the pale of their approaching labours.” He delivered this his protest against their proceedings in the energetic manner usual to him, when roused on the subject,—with a loud voice, a powerful emphasis, and both hands lifted up towards Heaven. Finding, however, that he could not produce any alteration in the views of the Committee†, he showed no further disposition to differ from it. Unable to effect the whole of his wishes, (which he relinquished with regret, and but for a while,) he felt satisfied that he had delivered his testimony against the proceedings which circumscribed them, and from that hour proved himself thoroughly desirous to aid, to his utmost ability, the part which he found could be undertaken with greater and more general consent. So strongly again, in this instance, was marked his distinctive character: extensive in his ideas, enthusiastic in his conceptions, vehement in his efforts; temperate, prudent, earnest in his performance.

It was very early recommended to him by the Committee to keep up a frequent intercourse with the Bishop of London (Dr. Porteus), who had 'expressed the most favourable sentiments of their design, and an earnest desire of joining in their labours. He therefore,

History of the Abolition of the Slave Trade," vol. i. p. 282, &c.

The Committee acknowledged the criminality in both cases, (Slavery and Slave Trade), but kept steady to the Abolition of the Trade only, as the main root, from a belief that, if both were attempted, neither of them would be carried.—From Mr. Clarkson.

placing his accustomed reliance on the operation of Christian principles, hastened to call into action, in behalf of their endeavours for the Abolition of the Slave Trade, whatever interest he had raised among the Dignitaries of the Church for the more general cause which he had pleaded.

G. S. to the Right Rev. Lord Bishop of London.-[EXTRACT.] My Lord, "Wicken Park, Bucks, 31st August, 1787. "Just before I left London, I received a letter from Dr. Franklin, Governor of Pennsylvania, addressed to me in the name of a new American Society, (of which he is President,) established for the charitable purpose of abolishing the Slave Trade, earnestly exhorting me, in very strong but polite terms, to continue my endeavours against that abominable traffic. A Society has been also lately instituted in London for the same purpose, the members of which intend to promote a Bill in Parliament, early in the next session, for prohibiting the African Slave Trade.

"The Archbishop of Canterbury, to whom I communicated the subject, has assured me of his hearty desire to oppose that trade; and on a former occasion, some years ago, I obtained similar promises from nineteen other Bishops; and I flatter myself that your Lordships, and many others of the Lay Peers, will very readily concur in this common cause of humanity. But my hopes with respect to the House of Commons are not so sanguine, though Mr. Wilberforce, and several other respectable members, have already declared an earnest desire to abolish the Slave Trade.

"With the greatest respect and esteem, My Lord," &c. &c.

The following letter, of the same nature with the last, appears also among his MS. his MS. papers*.

G. S. to the Right Rev. Lord Bishop of Cloyne (Dr. Woodward). "My Lord, "Leadenhall Street, London, 16th February, 1788. "The just sentiments concerning the gross iniquity of the African Slave Trade, as well as the impolicy of it, so forcibly and unanswerably asserted in

The generality of letters from the Society were written by different members of the Committee (principally Messrs. Clarkson, Dilwyn, Lloyd, Harrison, Phillips, Woods, &c.), and merely received Mr. Sharp's signature as Chairman. Some few, on particular occasions, were written by himself. The rough draft of the present letter is among his MS. papers.

your Lordship's letter to your worthy friend Dr. Bever, having been communicated by me (with the Doctor's permission) to the Committee of the Society instituted in London for the Abolition of the Slave Trade, I am desired by the Committee to inform your Lordship, that your hearty concurrence with them in sentiment, and full approbation of the purposes for which their Society was instituted, have given them the most sincere satisfaction; and that they have enrolled your Lordship's name in their Society, as an honorary and corresponding member, that their cause and design may be promoted by your Lordship's abilities and influence.

"The Marquis de la Fayette, a nobleman of great fortune, and very considerable influence in the Court of France, has, by his friend the Chevalier de Ternant, now in England, signified his earnest desire to establish a Society in France on the same principles as our own; and has expressed his hopes, that if both France and England should really lay aside the infamous traffick, all other nations would probably follow so good an example. These two benevolent strangers were entered on the list of our society, as honorary and corresponding members, at the same time with your Lordship.

"Whether any ships for the Slave Trade have ever been sent from any of the Irish ports of late years, I am not at all informed; but if the Parliament of Great Britain should really prohibit the trade from the ports of England and Scotland, some precaution will be necessary to prevent our Liverpool and Bristol slave-mongers from transferring their iniquitous traffic to Irish ports, especially as the distinct legislative rights of Ireland are now so justly and amply acknowledged.

"A prohibition, therefore, of the Slave Trade, by the distinct Legislature of Ireland, concurrent with what is the national voice, or present demand, from the Parliament of Great Britain, or, if possible, to have the honour even of preceding, or anticipating, that British act of justice, is a step very desirable, and seemingly necessary, to prevent our unnatural hardened slave-dealers from evading the intended British prohibition by sheltering their inhumanity under the distinct privileges of the Irish nation.

"With this idea, I beg leave to submit to your Lordship's better judgment the propriety of exerting your interest and influence amongst your friends, and more especially with the Bishops and other members of the Irish Parliament, for promoting the above-mentioned necessary measure.

"Your Lordship already entertains so just a sense of the iniquity as well as unprofitableness of slavery, that it would be superfluous in me to urge or

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