"I asserted, that I would undertake to bring back the American Empire to a constitutional allegiance under the Crown of Great Britain-these seem vain swelling words-I even added, that I would pledge my life for the success, provided a proper pledge could be given of our sincerity in treating." "Your Grace," he continues, "will of course desire to know, what reasons such an inconsiderable and obscure person as myself could have, to justify the confidence, or (if you please) the assurance, with which I proposed to undertake the office of a peace-maker between such high and mighty States. I will freely declare them."

[His reasons consist in the circumstances of the conversation above related*, and in the singular favour with which his writings had been received in America, particularly his "Declaration of the Rights of the People."]

"Now, the purport," he says, "of that book was, to shew the necessity and advantage of preserving the ancient constitutional connection of the Colonies with the Mother Country, by means of the common reciprocal ties of allegiance to the imperial Crown of Great Britain; citing Ireland as the legal precedent-it being a distinct kingdom, governed by its own independent parliament, and nevertheless firmly united to this kingdom by the bands of allegiance to one head, or monarchy, of limited power; by which glorious system, if duly maintained, all might be equally free, and all equally defended from foreign invaders. Such being the topic and purport of the book, a general approbation of it in America afforded clear demonstration that the great body of the people were not really inclined to republicanism; though, perhaps, many individuals among them were of a contrary spirit, which will probably have been much increased since that time, by subsequent publications, as the people became more and more irritated by military peace-makers. And, lastly, though I profess to have no sufficient talents either of speech, memory, or art, which might be deemed necessary for a formal negotiation with subtle or designing men, yet I flattered myself that I should not be despised by the real lovers of liberty and peace among them; for I conceived that my writings, with which they are already so well

* He states the similar expressions also of several other Americans, " zealous friends of liberty; all of whom agreed, and that separately, as if with one soul, that they sincerely believed a majority of the people would be glad to maintain their constitutional connection with the Mother Country."

acquainted, would demonstrate my earnest desire to promote the welfare and happiness of all parties; and that my sincerity at least would not be doubted or suspected, especially as several of the provinces were also well acquainted with my endeavours, long before this unhappy rupture, to put a stop to the abominable oppression of the poor Negroes among them, and, consequently, that my earnest love of liberty is founded on general principles, totally free from national partiality and the mean prejudices of party *.

Granville's exertions in this desirable point of reconciliation between the two countries, were seconded by his friend General Oglethorpe's recommendation of him to Lord Chatham. In one of his notes of this time, he says: "Communicated to General Oglethorpe what had passed between Lord Dartmouth and myself. The General informed me of Lord Chatham's interview with the King, Lord Bute being present; also of a second interview, and the circumstances. This was in consequence of the General having, in a previous discourse with Lord Chatham, acquainted him that he knew a person (though he would not mention my name) that might be usefully employed in promoting peace."

He had, many years after, the melancholy gratification of finding that his plan was indeed submitted to the Ministry, as above hinted; but it wanted other arguments than those of peace and charity, to procure its adoption. It was overruled, and the fatal term expiredt.

* The same disinterested principles, in regard to the mutual connection of the two countries and the due supremacy of England, are fully shown in several other letters. His paramount object was, to preserve his country from the imputation of injustice, which he conceived to be disgraceful to it; and from the expense of a war, which he perceived to be ruinous. Many collateral testimonies assist to prove, that, although his benevolence was universal, the interests of America never infringed on the duties which he, as an Englishman, felt to be owing to this kingdom. In a letter from a correspondent at Boston, in Oct. 1774, the following expression occurs:-"Your generous concern for this country heightens our opinion and increases our respect towards you. You hope," Sir," the people of Boston will continue most strictly to maintain their loyalty and constitutional allegiance to the British Crown," &c.

+ On the subject of this anecdote, I have made every research in my power, and consulted those authorities from which I was most likely to derive instruction. Its value obviously

The following memorandums present an account of some further particulars, which show the interest still taken by Mr. Sharp in the present subject.

. February 17, 1778.-" Waited on the Duke of Richmond, and had a conference with him of about two hours on the state of public affairs. He read to me his Apology for the Ministry of 1765, in admitting the Declaratory Act for a Right to make Laws &c. for America in all Cases whatever;' and he told me the purport of the motions he intended to make for a reconciliation with America.

66

April 7.-His Grace the Duke of **** showed me the copy of a letter which he wrote to Lord Chatham, expressing his desire of acting with unanimity in the present exigency, to procure an accommodation with America; and also, Lord Chatham's answer, rejecting the proposal, and insisting upon the sovereignty of

depends on the source from whence those, who authorised Mr. S. to propose the six months' interval, derived their authority; (and on the authenticity of a letter which will presently be mentioned. If both were valid, the anecdote is highly interesting.) That source I have not been able to discover: it may be, that the nature of the transaction demanded secrecy as to its movers. It will be recollected, by those who are familiar with the history of the American contest, that the period at which Mr. Sharp's proposal for reconciliation was brought forward, was that of a most anxious crisis, when the Congress was divided by internal dissensions, the American army diminished and impoverished, several of the officers disgusted, and retiring from the service, the merchants suffering under embarrassments occasioned by the actual state of affairs, the people discontented, and the war against England becoming in a high degree unpopular.-See (Marshal's) Life of General Washington, whose characteristic firmness of mind at this trying moment is admirably described, Vol. ii. p. 527.

It appears probable, that if the offers which our Government thought fit to send to America, by commissioners appointed for that purpose, more than twelve months after, had been cordially and sincerely made at the instant here spoken of, they would have been attended with a far greater prospect of success than at any other period during the war.

I am enabled to add a confirmation of Mr. Sharp's statement, from an American of high respectability residing in this country, who, in August 1815, related to me, that "two brothers of the name of ** *, (whom he had before mentioned, and) one of

whom had been for many years resident in London, were the persons employed to hold forth the propositions of reconcilement between the two countries; that the other brother waited some weeks in London, in the hopes of being listened to, and then, growing impatient, went back to America, while the former continued the proposition for six months."

England; and that he would be at the House as this day, to maintain his opinion.

April 8.-The sequel is well known. Lord Chatham persisted in his violent resolution, and went yesterday to the House of Lords to maintain it; was fully answered by the Duke of Richmond; and was so affected that he fainted, and was carried out."

、 ་ ་།་ ཌི,

CHAP. III.

HIS efforts to suspend the mutual bloodshed of the two countries having failed, Granville once more bent his thoughts, and with increased earnestness, to the subject of African slavery, on which he entertained hopes of making a far more successful progress. In the memorandums which are next to be laid before the reader, will be found the spring that set in motion the vast and important engine of public opinion, in regard to the abolition of the infamous Slave Trade. It is impossible not to be impressed with fresh admiration, when we behold the indefatigable constancy of a virtuous man in the cause of his helpless fellow-creatures. Immeasurable as the distance of redress and the difficulty of the enterprise appeared to be, his mind was fixed on an attempt to eradicate that disgrace of a civilised empire. He was aware that he was without power; but perseverance and the span of life were in his hands, and he resolved on devoting both to the benevolent purpose of his ambition. The zeal with which his first applications were met, and which gave confidence to his endeavours, will also claim our respect. The honour of our country is involved in both.

The reader is well acquainted with the progress in America of a friendly disposition towards the Negro Slaves, which had first manifested itself about the year 1770, and which has been shown also in the letter of the Quaker Benezet. It was increased in 1773, by the literary labours of Dr. Rush of Philadelphia, whose writings had a very extensive circulation, and served greatly to promote the good cause for which they were undertaken. In 1774, Dr. Rush, in conjunction with James Pemberton, and others of the most conspicuous among the Quakers in Pennsylvania, undertook to unite in one body