"As you will find me in the history of those times, you will find me also in the present list of the army; and, when you come to Town, I shall be very glad to see you in Grosvenor Street, where I live in London, as I do here in the country.

"This cruel custom of a private man's being supported in exercising more power over the man he affirms to have bought as his slave, than the magistrate has over him the master, is a solecism in politics. This, I think, was taken from the Romans. The horrid cruelty which that proud nation showed in all they did, gave such power to the masters of slaves, that they confused even the State. Decius Brutus, by the gladiators his slaves, defended the conspirators that killed the Dictator, Cæsar. The cruelty of the slave-masters occassioned them to join Spartacus, who almost overturned Rome.—Their laws were so severe, and the masters' power so horrid, that (Tacitus says) four hundred slaves, entirely innocent, were put to death, because two slaves had murdered their master; and he justifies this step. A Roman threw his old and useless slaves into a pond, where he kept fish, to feed them up to an excellent taste; and their laws did not contradict it.

"I find in Sir Walter Rawleigh's history of the Saracens, that their success, and the destruction of the Grecian and Persian Empires, was chiefly owing to their having vast numbers of slaves, by whom all labour and husbandry were carried on. And, on the Mahometans giving freedom to all who professed their law, the multitude in every conquered province joined them.

"You mention an argument urged by Hume, that the Africans were incapable of liberty, and that no man capable of government was ever produced by Africa. What a historian! He must never have heard of Shishak, the great Sesostris, of Hannibal, nor of Tir-haka king of Ethiopia, whose very name frightened the mighty Assyrian monarch (2 Kings xix. 9.) Is it possible he never should have seen Herodotus, where the mighty works of the pyramids, remaining to this day, are mentioned; and, in the AAEIA, the answer of the king of Ethiopia to Cambyses? In Leo, the African,'s geographical description of Africa, he would have found that Africa had produced races of heroes.

"The Christian Emperors would have qualified the laws for slavery; but the Senate of Rome, in whom the old leaven of idolatry still prevailed, stopped such good designs. St. Austin, in De Civitate Dei,' mentions that idolatry was sunk into the marrow of the Romans;-that the destruction of Rome by the Goths seemed to be a necessary dispensation of Providence to root out idolatry. The Goths, and all the Northern nations, when converted to Christianity,

abolished slavery. The husbandry was performed by men under the protection of the laws. Though some tenures of villeyn were too severe, yet the villeyns had the protection of laws; and their lords could not exact more than was by those laws regulated. (Bracton.)

"Spain and Portugal were subdued by the Moors: afterwards Portugal was recovered by the Christians. The Portuguese carried the war into Africa, discovered the sea-coast of Guinea, brought the unhappy natives away, and, looking on them as black heathens and hardly men, sold them for slaves.

"The Spaniards imitated them, and declared that Moors and Turks, taken in war, might be held as slaves. But the French still hold the noble law of the Northern nations; they allow no slaves in France: but, alas! it is too true, in their plantations, where the King's will is the only law, Lewis the Fourteenth, by the Code-Noir,' permits and regulates slavery.

"I am exceeding glad that you have entered the lists in opposition to these horrors. It is a proper time to bring these abominable abuses under consideration; and if those who have the power of legislation will be admonished, and correct them, it may save them and us from the justly-menaced destruction. "Your most obedient," &c. &c.

Granville's reply must also be added.—

"Honoured Sir,

To his Excellency General Oglethorpe.

J. OGLETHORPE."

"I am not only truly sensible of the honour you have done me in condescending to make yourself known to me; but be assured, Sir, that ever since I read the account of the settlers of Georgia in Harris's Collection, to which you referred me, I have entertained a much greater esteem for you than I can find words to express.

"The noble principles on which that undertaking was at first set on foot, and your own truly disinterested and prudent conduct in establishing, as well as your brave and successful behaviour in defending it, form altogether a most instructive and exemplary piece of history for the imitation of the present and future ages : and, as example and practice are infinitely superior to theory and precepts, you certainly enjoy the heartfelt satisfaction of having really practised, and set forth in a conspicuous active life, those disinterested principles and duties which, in my humble station, I have only been able to recommend in theory.

"I shall certainly avail myself of the liberty of waiting upon you as soon as

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our) to "The Sador's Advocate,"

peng, on the sect of pressing*;

SEATS Berty, with the same subject, and which time tends to oir their union, and to

"Sir,

"You are very right in supposing that the subject of impressing seamen had already engaged my attention. I have made many memorandums from my researches concerning it; and I shall be very ready to communicate them to yourself, or any of your friends, as I have already done to several others who applied to me. The argument which you mention about the public good, or salus populi, which is used to excuse the infringement of the most sacred rights of individuals, under the plea of necessity, is fully answered (I trust) in p. 25 of the little tract which I send herewith*.

In short, the doctrine of necessity may be admitted to excuse some things of an indifferent nature, not evil in themselves, though prohibited by law, but never to justify iniquity and oppression, respect of persons, or any thing that is malum in se; because the first necessity, of all others, in a Christian community, is to do justice to all men at all times,' (see p. 40); as it 'is better to endure all adversities than to assent to iniquity.' (p. 44.)

"The end or purpose of all good government is liberty, with protection from personal injuries, and the security of private property. But when a very large part of the community, not only mariners, but other inferior orders that earn their bread by labour, are deprived of their liberty and protection, not for a short time only, but regularly and constantly, whenever the nation is at war (however unjust or unpopular the war may be); in such a case, I say, the end or true purpose of government is defeated and destroyed.

"This doctrine is deeply impressed in the genius of our common law, which informs us, by unquestionable maxims, that no man is worthy to hold the reins of administration in this country who cannot maintain the national justice; the chief object of which is certainly personal protection. "Cessa regnare," says the maxim, ‘si non vis judicare' (p. 49): 'Cease to reign, if you will not do justice.' And the reason is plain from another maxim; that liberty is the soul, and the laws the body, of the commonwealth† (p. 75). Our Parliament, therefore, can have no more right to make a law to enslave Englishmen, than any

* "An Address to the People of England, being the Protest of a private Person against every suspension of Law that is liable to injure or endanger PERSONAL SECURITY."-Towards the close of this tract he discusses the subject of impressing seamen, warmly contending against the measure as a violation of the laws of the realm, and in particular accusing Judge Foster of having "prostituted his pen by asserting that it is not inconsistent with any statute.” + Vita Reipublicæ pax, et animus libertas, et corpus leges.

Y

individual has to deprive himself of life (p. 47), because that would amount to the crime of felo de se in the state.

"I am, Sir, your most humble servant,

"G. S."

General Oglethorpe appears to have been no less active on the occasion than Mr. Sharp himself, whose letters of this date communicate to him several circumstances then passing on the subject of the impress, as matters of mutual concern.

G. S. to General Oglethorpe, &c. &c. [EXTRACT.]

"Dear Sir, "Old Jewry, Monday Evening, Dec. 16, 1776. "I think it right to acquaint you, that three lieutenants of the navy, and one midshipman, were this day taken up by Holmes, a constable and beadle of Lime-Street Ward, and some assisting constables, for pressing two men by virtue of a warrant backed by Alderman Harley. Holmes carried them to Guildhall, where they were examined by Aldermen Plumer, Lee, Lewis, and Wooldridge, and were by them committed to Wood-Street Compter; and the pressed men, as well as Holmes, were bound to prosecute. I suspect, from the behaviour of the officers, that they put themselves in the way on purpose to give some handle against the City Magistrates (and perhaps against the Charter of the City)*; but, however that may be, it is now most certainly the critical time to defend the just rights of seamen, as well as to justify to the world the endeavours of the citizens, and prove that they are strictly legal and constitutional. Mr. Harley, by signing the warrant, is certainly liable to be punished. by fine and premunire; and it would be very hard, that, through ignorance he should escape the just course of the law, and the other Aldermen come into trouble." &c. &c.

"Dear Sir,

G. S. to the same. [EXTRACT.]

"Old Jewry, 24th December, 1776.

"I copied with my own hand the memorandums contained in your first

• When informed by one of the Aldermen (Sir W. Lewis), that, on account of the respect claimed by his Majesty's uniform, there would be no occasion for any other security from them, than the appearance of some of their friends to answer for them; the lieutenant replied, that they did not wish to trouble any of their friends on the occasion." They were then sent to the compter.