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of Great Britain to be represented by such statesmen, hy a man whose affluence and knowledge in trade ought to have qualified him for, at least, an independence of conduct; but who, poor thing, like the schoolboy, feared the rod of discipline and bowed to the flagellation due to truancy; from such miserable dependency what are we to infer? This, that his understanding could render him no assistance, beyond an idea of giving offence to an inordinately dictatorial constituency, and that he was too pusillanimous to assert his independence. A fine specimen this of the Welsh landed proprietor; no wonder, after such an example, that it has been recently asserted by a daily print, equally notorious for its power as for its disaffection to every principle of reasonable government in England,* that the principality of Wales is deficient in men competent to represent her people in parliament; but were it only to have it in our power to refute this untruth, we should feel assured that the Cambrian Quarterly had not been instituted in vain; never was a more unblushing falsehood denounced; the gentry of Wales are not the clod-poles, this cockney dispenser of news would have the world believe; doubtless, they enjoy those relaxations from business which invigorate the British race, and render her sons hardy and courageous. It were in vain to reply to calumny with merely our own contradiction; we therefore feel it incumbent to look round us and select from the mass of resident Welsh gentry who do not sit in parliament, and but a very small number of them have, on their own account, ever canvassed a voter. In appending the following list to our present article, we must be understood by no means to affirm that the names it contains are those of the only men in Wales capable of discharging the arduous duties of representation, we know otherwise; we know that we have many individuals of high principles and knowledge; they will attach no blame to us for the omission of their names. The list as it is, is allsufficient to disprove a gratuitous falsehood never exceeded for its utter violation of every principle of honour and honesty. We shall take the counties of North and South Wales alphabetically.

• Undoubtedly the power of party has operated in Wales as elsewhere, by making this same party, in many instances, the qualification of the candidate, and not his habits of business or intellectual superiority.

NORTH WALES.-ANGLESEA. In this county we shall point to Fuller Meyrick, esq. of Bôd-organ, – Griffiths, esq. of Careg-Lwyd, and William Stanley, esq. of Pen Rhös, premising that, as we are personally unacquainted with the gentry of Anglesea, our list, we understand, by no means comprises the entire legislative talents of the island.

CARNARVON. In Carnarvonshire, the names which occur to us are, G. H. Dawkins Pennant, esq. of Penrhyn Castle, Spencer Bulkeley Wynn, Lord Newborough of Glyn Llivon, and Richard Lloyd Edwards, esq. of Nan Horan.

DENBIGHSHIRE. This county and Flintshire, have to boast of an unusual number of families both of rank and talent; on this account we are much puzzled how to complete our selection of names; we have, however, only to repeat that any omissions which may occur will not be ascribed to any partiality on our parts,

but to the difficulties attached to the duties of public journalists, we have received the following list taken from Denbighshire: John Lloyd Wynne, esq. of Coed Coch. Francis R. Price, esq. of Bryn y Pys. Robert Watkin Wynne, esq. of Garth- P.LI. Fletcher, esq.of Gwern Hailed. ewin.

SirHen.Brown, K.C.B. of Bronwhylva. John Madocks, esq. of Glan y Wern. Colonel Phillips, of Rhual. Frederick West, esq. of Ruthin Castle. Wm. Shipley Conway, esq. of Bod Frederick Ablett, esq. of Llanbedr. Rhyddan. Jno. Williams, esq.of Gwersyllt Park. Edw.Lloyd Williams, esq. of Pen y Lan. Simon Yorke, esq. of Erddig.

Rd. Watkin Price, esq. of Rhiwlas. Thos. Fitz-hugh, esq. of Plas Power.

Col. Griffith ap Howel Vaughan, of J. Ll. Salisbury, esq. of Galltvaenan.

Edward Lloyd, esq. of Rhagat.
Athelston Corbet, esq. of Ynys y

Maengwyn. Sir John Williams, bart. of Bodel- William G. Oakeley, esq. of Plaswyddan.

tan-y-bwlch. Sir Edward Mostyn, bart. of Talacre. Edw. Morgan, esq. of Golden Grove. Edward Douglas, esq. of Gyrn. Sir George Beeston Prescott, bart. Panton Corbett, esq. of Leighton. John Wynne Eyton, esq. of Leeswood. John Arthur Lloyd, esq.of Domgay. Edward Lloyd, esq. of Cefn. Joseph Hayes Lyon, esq. Lloyd B. Hesketh, esq. of Gwrych William Pugh, esq. Bryn Llywarch. Castln.

Major Harrison, of Cae Howell. P. D. Cooke, esq. of Gwysaney. George Meares, esq. Dol Llys. Richard Gamnons, esq. of Colomendy. Col.8. Adolphus Proctor, Aberhavesp.




Grant, esq. of Gnol Castle.

Windham Lewis, esq.
Penry Williams, esq. of Pen Pont.
Major Price, of Brecon.

Major Penrice, of Kilvrough.






Right. Hon. Lord Lisborne, of Traws Sir Richard Phillips, Picton Castle. Coed.

Major Harries, Tevacwn. Major Lewis, of Llanerchaeron. Brown, esq. Llwyn gwain.

Morgan Jones, esq. of Cilwendêg. Neville, esq. of Glan y Mor. Wm. Chambers, esq. of Llanelly House.

Walter Wilkins,esq. Maeslough Castle. Colonel Gwyn, esq. of Glan Brân.

H. P. Evans, esq. Cwm y dau ddwr. Major Rice, of Llwynybran.

Sir H. Jones Brydges, of Boutlebrook. GLAMORGANSHIRE.

Richard Hill, esq. Llandaff House. William Williams, esq. Aberpergwm. Anthony Hill, esq. Plymouth Iron – Dilwyn, esq. of Pen-lle’r-gaer. Works.

We believe that in this list the predominant political principle is rather that of liberal Toryism; it is, however, sufficient for us to present a list of gentlemen who are distinguished for usefulness. A great many of them are conspicuous for zeal as members of the magistracy: several for their political, classical, and oriental knowledge; others, for the cultivation of mathematical studies. We would especially particularise the pursuits of the architect and the engineer, while others have fought and bled in defence of their country during a period of unprecedented difficulty and danger. In a general estimate of worth, we defy the world, much more a time-serving press, to make a comparison between our country gentlemen with those of the rest of the empire disadvantageous to Wales; true it is, that some of them, as we conceive, have ran into either extreme of party, but we give them credit for all sincerity of purpose : and why should we not give them that credit which, in matters of opinion, we should demand ourselves ? Party has hitherto, as it were, empaled the people's representatives, yet, in truth, we do not think it possible that any two men can be found who could precisely agree upon any public question in all its bearings; and therefore we are bound to give credit to those from whom we differ.

But if intelligence is to bear the sway, we hope to see the really independent member regarded as he ought to be; we trust the time will soon arrive when the House of Commons will assume a dignity proper to its character, and forget the illiberal distinctions of party, on many occasions solely for party's sake, which have so frequently clogged its actions, and have caused it to lose ground in the respect and affection of the people. The opportunity

is now at hand when it may again be reinstated in public confidence. If intelligence, much as it is talked of, is really to light us on, truly will the thousand and one old prejudices melt before her benign ray,-among the rest, when that greatest of absurdities as a political text, “he that is not with me is against me,” shall be looked upon as really what it is, a shadowy icon, and not the basework of political reason,—we shall show that the adoption of this rule at the present time, by persons anxious for the welfare of their country, would be pregnant with alarming consequences. Let religion and moral feeling be the bond of all parties, for disunion among the various sects of Christians is the very thing most anxiously sought for by another party, who for the present shall be nameless.

But as intelligence spreads through a country, and learning takes the place of mental inaction, it must invariably occur that a very large proportion of the world's inhabitants become dissatisfied; they see the luxuries and ease enjoyed by a small number of mankind, whilst privation, and often actual want, are the portion of themselves; but they do not reflect that, although industry and misery do often go hand in hand, yet that the too frequent precursor of wretchedness is waste and extravagance. This they do not bear in mind, and they therefore become disaffected, and enemies to the state. Were every depressed citizen a Franklin, the maxims of Poor Richard would greatly tend to a preparation for meeting life's anxieties and wants; but as this never can be the case, we are bound to take facts as they are: let them be drawn from any thickly populated district, from London, Manchester, Birmingham, Liverpool, Bristol, or from places of less consideration,-in any of these, are not the mass of its artisans devoted to habits of depravity; and can it be truly said that this is owing to their superiors. No doubt much trickery is practised upon many of them by their superiors, but this cannot be sufficient to contaminate the whole,--it is owing positively to their own depravity-the depravity of human nature. It must not be thought that we are adopting the fable of the party-coloured shield, that we look to but one side of the question,-far from it; we know that monopoly and abuses, great and crying in their nature, exist; that there has been a gross misapplication of the country's resources, which, if it be not rectified, and that quickly, will find its end in general desolation. But though this be the case, we cannot acquit the large political assemblages of the people of nourishing a feeling destructive to the happiness of the human race. We proceed at once to say, that these organised bodies of mechanics must be opposed, and the only way to do it effectually is by a collision of parties. In order to assist in the attainment of this object, let every elector who seeks the permamency of revealed religion and social order in the land, when supporting a candidate for parliament, look to those qualifications we have before spoken of, and not take distrust through trifling and immaterial gradations of political principle; if he do not this, plans already made for the destruction of every institution in the state must triumph, and “the age of reason” and “the rights of man,” (which are not in themselves an antithesis to good government, but, owing to their adoption as watchwords by the leveller, we almost shudder at their mention,) in their perverted acceptance, rear their deformity against the beauty and simplicity of the Gospel.

We reiterate our ardent trust, that in Wales, at least, all classes of mankind will join in sending the honest—the religious man to Parliament without reference to Toryism or Whiggism; and that the Tory and the Whig be as members of one family-let them do this, and from the machinations of the “movement party,” at least from their intended results, we shall be safe.


I drev y Bala yr aeth y Bardd

I ovyn am ei dad;
Aeth tros y ty, a thrwy yr ardd,

Gan waeddi, O, fy Nhad!
Nid yw fy nhad yn unrhyw van,

Os nad yw yn y bedd;
Atebai careg iddo yn wan,

Dywedai, “yn y bedd.”
Pa le mae Gwen, vy anwyl Gwen,

Vy chwaer! pa le yr wyt ti?
Os wyt yn vyw, anwylav Gwen,

O dywed, “Wela vi!"
Ni chlywav lais,--mawr yw vy mraw,--

Wyt tithan yn y bedd?
Atebai careg oedd gerllaw,
Dywedai, "yn y bedd."

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