make fufficient provifion for their fafety, by war at leaft, if not by other means. I am of opinion therefore, that any other Prince or people endued with the fame degree of Virtue and Courage, and obferving the fame wife measures, would likewife have the fame good fortune that the Romans had.

I should here have taken notice of the methods which that Commonwealth took, in order to get footing in other nations which they invaded, if I had not already difcuffed that point at large in a Treatife called the Prince: yet I cannot help briefly obferving, that they always took care to gain over fome powerful friend in thofe States to their interest, whose affiftance they made ufe of not only to open a paffage into them at first, but to keep poffeffion of them after they were conquered. Thus they availed themselves of the Capuans in the territories of the Samnites, of the people of Camerino in Tufcany, of the Mamertines in Sicily, of the Saguntines in Spain, of Maffiniffa in Africa, of the Etolians in Greece, of Eumenes and other Princes in Afia, and of the Maffilians and Edui in Gaul and fo dexterous were they both in forming and conducting fuch alliances, that they never were at a lofs for friends of that kind, who greatly contributed to facilitate all their enterprizes, and enabled them both to conquer other nations and afterwards to retain the dominion over them. Those then that carefully follow the fame Maxims, will always have much lefs occafion for the affiftance of Fortune than others that do not: and that there may be no further room left to doubt that their own Wifdom and Virtue conduced much more than Fortune to the aggrandizement of that Empire, we fhall fhew in the next Chapter, what fort of people they were whom the Romans fubdued, and how obftinately they defended their liberties.

CHAP: II.

With what Nations the Romans were engaged in their wars; and bor obftinately thofe Nations defended their liberties against them.

TH

HE exceffive love of liberty, and the obftinacy with which both the neighbouring nations, and fome of thofe that lay at a great diftance from the Romans, defended it against them in those times, made it fo difficult to conquer them, that it never could have been effected, without an uncommon degree of virtue and courage. This is evident from the many and great dangers to which they expofed themselves, fometimes to preferve, and fometimes to recover it; as well as from the fevere revenge they took when an opportunity offered, upon thofe that had ufurped it. It likewife fufficiently appears from Hiftory

what

what grievous evils and miferies were the confequence of fervitude in many Nations and States. And though there is but one nation at prefent that can boaft of having free Cities in it [e], yet, in ancient times there was no inftance of any which had not several. We fee for example, how many free people there were then in one angle of Italy alone, as the Tufcans, the Romans and the Samnites; not to mention many others in all the different parts of it: but there is nothing at all faid of any Kings, except thofe that reigned at Rome, and Porfena, King of Tufcany; concerning the extinction of whole family, though History is altogether filent, it is certain, however, that when the Romans laid fiege to Veii, Tuscany was not only entirely free itself, but abhorred the name of King, even amongst others, to fuch a degree, that the people of Veii having elected one for their defence, and demanding the affiftance of the Tufcans against the Romans, the former, after much deliberation, abfolutely refused to fend them any, whilft they continued under Kingly Goverment, and faid, they should not concern themselves in fupporting a Country that had already forfeited its liberties.

Now it is eafy to difcern from what cause this fondness for liberty in mankind is derived: for experience fhews us, that no ftate ever extended its dominion, or increased its revenues any longer than it continued free. On the contrary, if it seems wonderful to fome, how the Athenians arrived to fuch a height of grandeur, in the space of an hundred years only, after they had fhaken off the yoke of Pififtratus; and much more amazing, perhaps, that the Roman Empire should encrease in fo prodigious a manner after the expulfion of Kings, yet it may readily be accounted for; fince it is not a regard for the good of one particular man, but for that of the public, which makes a State great and powerful; and it is past doubt, that the good of the public is not. fo much confidered in any other form of Government, as in a Commonwealth; for there every meafure is purfued, that may conduce to the benefit of the whole, how prejudicial foever it may prove to the intereft of any private perfon; and there is always fuch a majority of those that are advantaged by this manner of proceeding, as will be fufficiently able to carry their point, in fpite of any oppofition from. others that must fuffer by it. But the cafe is quite different in States that are under the Government of a Prince; for there it generally happens, that what makes for the advantage of the Sovereign, tends to the prejudice of the Public, and vice verfâ [ƒ]: so that whenever free States

[e] The German Empire.

f] How this will hold, fays E. Dacres, with the general, and almoft received tenent, I cannot fee; being, that the Prince and the People are faid to make only one politique body,

States degenerate into Tyranny, the leaft evil they must expect is to make no further progrefs in riches, power, or dominion: and it is pretty well if that be the worft, fince they commonly, nay almost always indeed, from that time begin to decline and fall to decay. For, if the Tyrant should chance to be a spirited enterprizing man, and extend his Empire by war, the Public would not be at all advantaged by that, nor any body benefitted but himself; because he dares not honour or advance any of his Subjects, how worthy and virtuous foever they may be, left he should make them fo powerful that he might afterwards have occafion to grow jealous of them: nor will he venture to make those States which he conquers, either tributary or dependent upon that which he has ufurped, because he will not think it for his own intereft to let his Subjects grow ftrong and united, but to keep every Town and Province divided, and wholly dependent upon himself: fo that he alone, and not his country, is the better for those acquifitions; for a further confirmation of which (if there can ftill remain any fort of doubt) let any one read Xenophon's Treatife upon Tyranny, wherein he will find fufficient matter for his conviction.

These things being confidered, it is no wonder that people in ancient times abhorred Tyranny, and were fo paffionately fond of Liberty, that they adored the very name of it; a remarkable instance of which, we have in the cafe of Hieronymus, Nephew to Hiero the Syracufan; for, upon the news of his death, the army, which at that time lay encamped not far from the City, at first took up arms against the Confpirators, who had affaffinated the Tyrant; but, when they were informed that the people in the City declared for Liberty, they were fo charmed with that name, that they foon laid them down again, and began to take measures for the re-establishment of the Commonwealth.

body, and the welfare of the part cannot be separated from the whole." Famous is that Fable of Æfop, concerning the Belly, and the reft of the members, which Menenius Agrippa made use of to reconcile the Commons of Rome upon a distaste against the Senate, gone apart in the holy mount. Whereby it came to appear, that the Belly afforded its fervice too, and as well gave as received nourishment, diftributing by the veins, throughout the whole body out of the meat which it had digefted, the blood well concocted, whereby each part was nourished. Who is it that feels not, when any part fails, that the whole is in diforder? And who fees not likewife, when any part of the body draws into it more than its proportionable nouriture, that the whole pines thereupon? As from the fwelling of the spleen, the health of the whole body is disturbed, and therefore, by fome Politiques, not unfitly compared to a Prince's Exchequer, which, when it exceffively abounds beggars the whole country. It is folly to think (fays a Spanish Author) that the poverty of the Commonalty will not redound to the breaking of private patrimonies, nor can great revenues continue where the Commonwealth is raked to the very bones. All these things ferve to argue the mutual fympathy, as between the head and the members, fo between the Prince and his fubjects; and to divide the intereft of the Prince from that of the people cannot agree with good policy: for, as in the natural body it breeds diseases, so in the politique it produces diforders and deftruction.

Nor

Nor can it seem ftrange, that the people fhould fhew but little mercy to those that have deprived them of their freedom, fince there have been fo many examples of their rage upon fuch occafions. I shall content myself with one only, however, which happened at Corcyra, a City in Greece, during the courfe of the Peloponefian war: for Greece being divided into two factions, one of which adherred to the Athenians, and the other to the Spartans; many towns had partizans of each fide within the fame walls. But the Nobility having got the upper hand at Corcyra, and depriving the people of their liberties there, the latter, by the affiftance of the Athenians, were enabled to take up arms, and rifing upon the Nobility foon overpowered them: after which, they shut them all up together in one prifon, from whence they took them out by eight or ten at a time, under a pretence of banishing them into different parts, but afterwards put them to the most cruel kinds of death. Of which the reft being at laft informed, refolved to behave themselves like men in that extremity, and exert their utmost efforts to avoid fo ignominious an end. For this purpose, having armed themfelves as well as they could in their circumstances, they refolutely defended the entrance of the prifon, and would let no body come in, till the people ran tumultuously together, and got to the top of the building, which they uncovered, and throwing down the roof and walls of it upon their heads, foon buried them in the ruins. Many other instances of the like terrible nature happened in that country; from whence the truth of the old obfervation is fufficiently evinced, that people generally run greater lengths in revenging the loss of their liberty, than in defending it.

Confidering therefore, fometimes with myself, what should be the reason, that people are not fo zealous in afferting their liberties at prefent, as they were in former times, I think it is owing to the fame cause, that makes them not fo bold and courageous as they used to be; namely, the difference betwixt their Education and ours, occafioned by the difference betwixt the Christian and Pagan Religion. For our Religion having fhewn us the true way to real happiness, infpires us with a contempt of worldly glory: which being the chief end of the Pagans, and the object wherein they placed their Summum bonum, made them more fierce and daring in their actions. This may appear from many of their Inftitutions, particularly their Sacrifices, which were very magnificent indeed, when compared with the humility of ours, in which the ceremonies are rather delicate than pompous or ftriking, and not attended with any circumftances of ferocity or Eclat. In those of the Pagans, befides the fplendour of the Solemnity, the very action of the Sacrifice was full of blood and cruelty, as great numbers of victims were butchered upon thofe occafions: which inured men to horrid VOL. II.

Ꮓ

fpectacles,

fpectacles, and made them fanguinary and hard-hearted. Befides which, they deified none but men full of worldly glory, fuch as great Commanders and illuftrious Governors of Commonwealths. But our Religion, instead of Heroes canonizes thofe only that are meek and lowly, and given to the contemplation of heavenly things, rather than to an active or bufy life; and the chief happiness which the Pagans fought from courage, from bodily ftrength, and other things that conduced to make them hardy and fierce; we look for in humiliation, in felf-denial, and contempt of this world: fo that if our religion ever requires us to fhew any degree of fortitude, it is to be manifested in our fufferings, rather than in any thing else. This manner of living then, feems to have enervated mankind, and given up fome as a prey, tied and bound into the hands of others that are more wicked; who may difpofe of them as they please; fince, in order to obtain Paradife, they perceive the generality of them are more ready to fuffer injuries than to revenge them. Now that the world is thus crippled and hamstrung, and heaven itself appears to be in a manner difarmed, is owing to the pitiful and erroneous explication, which fome have taken upon them to give of our Religion, as if it enjoined folitude and indolence, and forbad an active and ferviceable life: for if they had confidered that it allows us to defend and exalt our Country, it certainly allows us alfo to love and honour it, and to qualify ourselves for its defence [g]. This fort of Education

[g] Upon this Paragraph, the abovementioned E. Dacres, fays as follows, Machiavel falfely imputes the cause of mens cowardlinefs to the Chriftian Religion. I neede not alleadge any battells foughten by Chriftians, to proove him a Lyar: hiftories frequently affoarde us examples, as well ancient as modern, where they have been as refolutely foughten by the Chriftians, as ever were any by the Pagans; nay, our own memories may well fupply us with fome if we want. If we marke from whence Machiavel takes his argument, it is from that the Pagans flew a multitude of facrifices, the fight of which being terrible, made men of the fame difpofition. By the fame reason it must follow, that our Butchers and Surgeons are more valiant than other men, as who cuftomarily have their hands imbrued in bloud. I may well allow them to be more cruel; and, therefore our Laws exclude them from being upon a jury of Life and Death: but of being more valiant, I never heard they had the reputation."- -Let us hear also what a great Prelate of our Church fays upon this paffage, which is much more to the purpose.. It is objected (fays he) that the Chriftian Religion is apt to difpirit men, and to break the courage and vigour of their minds by the precepts of patience, humility, meekness, forgiving injuries, and the like. This objection hath made a great noife in the world, and hath been urged by men of great reputation and infight into the tempers of men and the affairs of the world. It is faid to be particularly infifted upon by Machiavel, and very likely it may; though I think that elsewhere he is pleafed to speak in terms of great refpect, not only of Religion in general, but likewife of the Chriftian Religion. ... But howfoever this objection may be, I dare appeal both to reason and experience for the confutation of it. 1. To reason, and that as to these two things. 1. That the Chriftian Religion is apt to plant in the minds of men principles of the greatest resolution and trueft courage. It teacheth men upon the best and most rational grounds to defpife dangers, yea and death itself, the greatest and most formidable evil in this world; and this principle is likely to infpire men with the greatest

courage: