that of a Prince is chiefly exerted upon thofe that he imagines may injure his particular interefts. But the tide of prejudice I know runs high against the people: because every body is at liberty to speak ill with impunity of them, even when they have the government in their hands; but against a Prince no man dares to open his mouth without much caution and referve. Now fince the fubject feems naturally to lead me to it, it may not be amifs perhaps to fay fomething in the next chapter concerning leagues and confederacies made with Princes or Commonwealths; and to confider which of them are most to be depended upon..

CHA P. LIX.

Whether an Alliance made with a Prince or a Commonwealth is most to be confided in.

INCE it daily happens that Treaties and Alliances are made either betwixt Princes, or Commonwealths, or betwixt both, it feems neceflary to examine whether the fidelity of a Prince or a Commonwealth be the more ftable, and to confider which of them is most to be trufted in and upon enquiry it appears that in most cases they are much alike, though they differ in fome. I am perfuaded however, that when either a Prince or a Commonwealth is forced to enter into a treaty by downright neceflity, neither of them will obferve the conditions of it; efpecially if their State fhould be endangered by it; for in fuch a cafe, both one and the other would prefently break it, how kindly foever they may have been used. Demetrius, furnamed Poliorcetes, had fhewn the Athenians many great favours: but happening to be defeated by his enemies, and flying to Athens for refuge, as a people that were his allies, and under confiderable obligations to him, he was refused shelter there; a circumftance that mortified him much more than the lofs of his army [c]. After Pompey was routed by Cæfar at Pharfalia, he fled into Egypt to Ptolemy, in hopes of finding protection there, as he had formerly restored that Prince to his Kingdom: but Ptolemy, inftead of protecting him, bafely caufed him to be murdered.. In both thefe cafes

[c] Though he had fhewn them many great favours, yet he had been guilty of fuch oppreffion that they could never forget it. Ámongst other inftances which might be quoted, he exacted two hundred and fifty talents of them at one time, which he faid was for pin-money for his concubine Lamia, a faying that galled them more than the lofs of their money: after which he upbraided them with their meanness, and told them there was not fo much as one man amongst them that had the least spark of courage: like the taunt of Tiberius to the Roman Senate mentioned by Tacitus, Annal. Lib. III. Cap. lxv. "Memoriæ proditur Tiberium quoties curiâ egrederetur Græcis verbis in hunc modum eloqui folitum, O homines ad Servitutem paratos! Scilicet etiam illum, qui libertatem publicam. nollet, tam projectæ Servientium patientiæ tædebat."

the

the ingratitude was owing to the fame caufe; yet the humanity of a Commonwealth we fee was greater than that of a Prince [d]. But whenfoever either one or the other is afraid of fuffering any great damage, they will both act in the same manner.

It must be obferved likewise, that if any Prince or Commonwealth should so punctually adhere to their engagements as to run the rifque of being ruined by it, their motives for fo doing may proceed from the fame causes for as to a Prince, it may probably happen that he is confederated with fome other great Potentate, who though he cannot protect him at that time, may (as the other is perfuaded) be able to restore him to his dominions afterwards, if he fhould chance to lofe them; or if he has always firmly fupported his interefts, he may either think an accommodation with the enemy impoffible, or that he cannot depend upon his word: which was the cafe of all the Neapolitan Princes who took part with the French when they invaded the Kingdom of Naples. And as to Republics, it was exactly the fame with Saguntum, which was ruined by continuing firm to its alliance with the Romans; and with Florence in the year 1512, when it fided with the French.

All things being duly confidered however, I am of opinion, that where the danger is imminent, it is better to truft to a Republic than a Prince for though they should both be disposed to act in the same manner, yet the former being flow in its motions, will be longer than a Prince before it comes to any refolution, and confequently before it determines to violate its engagements. Treaties are generally broken for the fake of fome advantage: and in this respect, Republics always behave with much more honour than Princes: for we might produce many examples, where a very small matter of gain has tempted a Prince to forfeit his honour, when a profpect of the greatest advantage could not corrupt a Commonwealth. Themiftocles in an harangue to the Athenians faid he had something to propose, which would be of infinite advantage to their Country; but that he durft not make it public to every one, because that would prevent its being put into execution. Upon this, the Athenians deputed Ariftides to hear his propofals, and to take fuch refolutions upon them as he fhould think moft proper. Themistocles therefore represented to him in private, that the whole

[d] A certain modern fays, "that Kings do not look upon any one as naturally either their friend or their enemy; but that their private intereft is the only confideration by which they judge with whom they are to enter into an alliance. None but the ignorant would rely on the friendship of Sovereigns, even towards one another. To fee the prefents which they exchange, and the intercourse of refpectful letters betwixt them in time of peace, would make one believe they are the moft fincere friends, and will love each other as long as they live: but it is very often true that they are at the same time negotiating a treaty in order to a rupture, and intend to ferve one another no longer, than till they have an opportunity of commencing hoftilities with advantage.'

Navy of Greece lay in a place (though indeed under the protection of their good faith) where they might eafily either take or deftroy every Ship, which would make them abfolute mafters of all the other States in Greece. But when Ariftides came to make his report to the people, he told them that Themistocles had imparted fomething to him which indeed would be of exceeding great advantage, but highly difhonourable to the Commonwealth; upon which account it was unanimously rejected, without any further enquiry into the nature of it. Now Philip of Macedon and many other Princes, who were governed by selfintereft in every thing, would not have been fo fcrupulous and delicate upon fuch an occafion; efpecially Philip, who gained more by violating his faith than any other method whatfoever. As to breaking a Treaty, by not punctually obferving every article of it, it is fo common a thing that I fhall fay nothing of it here: I fpeak only of outrageous and extravagant infractions; of which, I am of opinion, a Republic will always be more tender than a Prince, and confequently is more to be confided in.

CHA P. LX.

That the Confulship and all other Dignities in Rome were conferred without respect of age.

IT

Tappears from the Hiftory of the Roman Commonwealth, that after the Plebeians obtained the Honour of the Confulfhip, they admitted any Citizen to it without any refpect either of age or extraction: indeed the Romans at no time ever regarded age, but conftantly preferred men of merit and virtue whether they were old or young; as is manifeft from the inftance of Valerius Corvinus, who was made Conful when he was but twenty-three years of age; which gave him occafion to fay (a little oftentatiously indeed) in one of his harangues to his Soldiers, that the Confulfhip was "præmium virtutis, non fanguinis," the reward of virtue, not a privilege of high birth. Now whether they acted wifely in this, or not, would bear fome debate. As to Nobility of blood, they were under a neceffity indeed of difpenfing with that; and the fame neceffity that operated at Rome, muft likewife have its weight in any other State that aspires to the grandeur which Rome attained to, as we have elsewhere obferved: for men will not expose themselves to all manner of hardships and perils without any hope of reward; nor can they be deprived of the hope of ever obtaining that reward, without manifeft danger. It foon became expedient therefore to inspire the Plebeians with the hope of being admitted to the ConfulVOL. II. X fhip;

ship; with which they were amused a confiderable time without obtaining that honour: but afterwards being refolved to feed upon expectations only no longer, it was found neceffary to admit them to it. A State however that has no occafion to employ the Plebeians in any great and glorious undertaking, may treat them in another manner if it pleases, as I faid before; but if it affects to emulate the Romans, it must make no distinction amongst its Subjects. So much for this So much for this part of the

question.

As to the matter of age, it seems clear that it is absolutely necessary to make no difference in that point: for in advancing a young man to fome dignity which requires the prudence of maturer age, we may be affured (if the power of electing is in the people) they will never prefer any one that has not highly merited it by his virtue and extraordinary fervices: and if a young man has distinguished himself in that manner, it would not only be very ungrateful, but of bad confequence, if a Commonwealth, instead of availing itfelf of fuch abilities, fhould wait till he was grown old, and had lost that vigour of body, that courage and activity which might then have been of eminent service to his country [e]: accordingly

[e] Our Laws, fays Montaigne, Book I. Chap. Ivii. abfurdly determine that a man is not capable of managing his Eftate till he is twenty-five years of age. Auguftus cut off five years from the ancient Roman Standard, and declared that a man was old enough at thirty to be a Judge. Servius Tullius excufed Gentlemen of above forty seven-years of age from the fatigues of war; Auguftus difmiffed them at forty-five; though methinks it feems a little unreasonable that men fhould be fent home to their fire-fides, till they are fifty-five or Sixty. I am of opinion that our vocation and employment fhould be extended as far as poffible for the public good; but I think it a fault on the other hand that we are not employed foon enough. This Emperor was Arbiter of the whole World at nineteen, and yet would have a man to be thirty before he could bear the lowest office. For my part I believe our understandings are as ripe at twenty as they ever will be or are capable of being. A mind that did not give evident proof of its force by that time, never gave proof of it afterwards. Natural parts and Genius exert themfelves at that term or never. They fay in Dauphiny

If the thorn does not prick then, it will scarce ever prick.

Of all the great actions I ever heard or read of, I have observed both in former ages and in our own, that more have been performed by men before the age of thirty than after; and often too in the lives of the very fame perfons. May I not fafely inftance in those of Hannibal and Scipio? The bettter half of their lives they lived upon the glory they had acquired in their youth: they were great men after, it is true, in comparifon of others; but by no means in comparison of themselves. As to my own part, I do certainly believe, that fince that age, both my understanding and my conftitution have rather decayed than improved, and retired rather than advanced. It is poffible that with those who make the best use of their time, knowledge and experience may encrease with their years: but the

vivacity,

accordingly we see the Romans advanced Valerius Corvinus, Scipio, Pompey, and many others of that age; and to fo good purpose, that they decreed them the honour of a triumph in the flower of their youth.

vivacity, quickness, steadiness, and other parts of much greater importance, and more effentially our own, languish and decay

ubi jam validis quaffatum eft viribus ævi Corpus, & obtufis ceciderunt viribus artus, Claudicat ingenium, delirant linguaque menfque.

Lucret. Lib. III. 452.

Sometimes the body firft fubmits to age, fometimes the mind, & I have feen enow whose brains have failed them and grown weak, before their Stomach and their legs : and as it is a disease of no great pain to the Patient, and of obfcure Symptoms, the danger is fo much the greater. For this reafon it is that I complain of our Laws; not that they keep us too long to our work, but that they employ us too late. For confidering the frailty and fhortness of life, and to how many common and natural fhocks it is exposed, methinks we fhould not spend fo great a part of it in fquabbles about maturity, in idlenefs and education.". -Philip de Comines fays, it is observable that all men whoever became illuftrious, or performed great actions, began very young; and that this is owing either to education or the grace of God." Lib. I. Chap. x. and Sir William Temple feems to be of the fame opinion, though indeed he allows a longer fpace for it. "When I was younger than I am, fays he, and thereby a worfe Judge of age, I have often said that what great thing foever a man propofed to do in his life, he fhould think of atchieving it by that time he is fifty years old. Now I am approaching

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that age I am ftill more of that opinion than I was before, and that no man rides to the

end of that Stage without feeling his journey in all parts, whatever diftinctions are made betwixt the mind and the body, or betwixt judgment and memory. And though I have known fome few, who perhaps might be of use in Council upon great occafions till after threescore and ten, and have heard that the two late Ministers in Spain, the Counts of Caftriglio and Pignoranda, were fo till fourfcore; yet I will not answer that the conduct of public affairs under their Miniftry has not sometimes tafted of the lees of old age.1 observe in this Affembly at Nimeguen from fo many several parts of Christendom, that of one and twenty Ambaffadors, there are but three above fifty years old; which feems an argument of my opinion being in a manner general. Nor can I think the period ill calculated, at least for a General of Armies, or Minister of State in times or Scenes of great action, when the care of a State or an army ought to be as conftant as the Chymift's fire to make any great production; for if it goes out, but for an hour, perhaps the whole operation fails. Now I doubt whether any man after fifty be capable of such conftant application of thought, any more than of long and violent labour and exercise, which that certainly is, and of the finest parts. Befides, no man that fenfibly feels the decays of age and his life wearing off, can figure to himself those imaginary charms in riches and praise, that men are apt to do in the warmth of their blood and those are the usual incentives towards the attempt of great dangers, and support of great trouble and pains. To confirm this by examples, I have heard that Cardinal Mazarine about five and fifty, found it was time to give over: that the prefent Grand Vizier, who paffes for one of the greateft men of that Empire, or of this age, began his Ministry about eight and twenty; and the greateft which I have obferved, was that of Mr. de Witt, who began at three and thirty and lafted to forty-eight, and could not, I believe, have gone on many years longer at that height, even if he had not come to that fatal end." See the Efay upon curing the Gout by Moxa.

The END of the FIRST BOOK.

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