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Hymns by Georgius Dartona Cretensis, mentioned by Ruhnken, “ tanquam eam, quæ Codicis loco esse possit, hanc etiam consulendam duxi, si quid forte ad hymnorum lectionem melius constituendam ex ea lucrari possem : usus autem sum editione, quæ cum Andreæ Divi Justinopolitani versione Odysseæ prodiit Salingiæi 1540. 8. (prima editio prodiit Venet. 11. Tom. 1537.): est ea versio vulgata, ceterum ab editoribus hic illic emendata ac mutata, prout textus poscebat.” (p. 13.) The scholar will find in Matthiæ's own Notes some most excellent remarks, both critical, and explanatory, on these Hymns, and much valuable matter on the recondite and rare meanings of different words, given with great perspicuity, accuracy, and erudition. We shall at present touch only on two or three remarks of Matthiæ. The elaborate Prolegomena extend through 106 pages.

The Hymnus in Apollinem v. 25-8.

εκάτερές δε κύμα κελαινόν

εξήει χέρσονδε λιγυπνοίους ανέμοισιν, , Matthiæ writes thus: “ Locum in litore et quidem ubi terra in mare procurrit, designant sequentia, ixdTeqde xūpece xedavvoriy regrovde: jejuna est hæc loci descriptio ; elegantior poeta fortasse dixerit, frétigde de rūnce %. "Ežeive régrov ye a. d. unda terram cædebat, v. Ruhnk. Ep. Crit. II. p. 151.: tamen ea in nostro poeta non offendor.” (p. 113.) There would be an air of great probability in this conjecture, if it were not for the substitution of yɛ, xégrow ge, the use of which particle is not apparent in this place. The following extract will, however, sufficiently vindicate such an application of the word galvev: “LXV. ν. 4. lego αλεξάντους τε παρ' άκτάς, Suidas in ν, αλιβαντοις, ταϊς υπό της údès Gasvopéveis, Archias Ep. XXX. Anal. T. II. p. 100. de delphino,

η γαρ ίσον πρηώνι Μαλέλης, ως εκυκήθη,

κύμα πολυξάντους σ' ωσεν επί ψαμάθους : hic Codex norefeépequeous exhibet, quod Toupius Emend, in Suid. P. ILL. p. 375. mutavit in rol vžártous : recte! Ovid. Met. L. 11. 455. .

Nacta nemus gelidum, de quo cum murmure labens

Ibat, et attritas versabat rivus arenas; mihi epitheton Horúkartos. non rupibus solum, quas unda verberando excavat, sed litoris etiam arenæ, fluctibus attrite, satis accommodatum videtur, qua de re aliter statuit Jacobs. Animadvv. V. II. P. 1. p. 270." Imm. G. Huscke's Analecta Critica in Anthologiam Greecam, Jenæ et Lipsiæ, 1800. p. 297.

ne

On the H. in Apoll. v. 94.

'Ιχνείη το Θέμις, και αγάστoνος 'Αμφιτρίτη, Matthiæ has a most excellent note, to which we beg leave to direct the attention of our readers: «Ιχναίη Θέμις, Strabo ix. p. 435. ταύτα δ' έστι της Θετταλιώτιδος, μιας των τεσσάρων μεριδων της όλης Θετταλίας --- και "Ιχναι, ότου η Θέμις Ιχνοία τιμάται, cf. Steph. Byz. v. "Ιχναι, Tzetz.. ad Lycophr. v. 129.

της θ' Ηλίου θυγατρός Ιχνιαίας βραβεύς, Eurip. Med. 169. Θέμις Ιχναίην επιβολται, ut ibi corr. Ruhnk. pro Ευκταίαν probarte Piersono ad Morin, p. 137. sq., sed veteor, nimis docta, fortasse etiam a poetæ nostri ætate remota sit derivatio epitheti a Thessalie urbe και potius Themidem hoc cognomen από του izvžogees

, quia sceleratos investigat et persequitur, tanquam justitiæ dea, duxisse putem ; nam ita vocatur etiam Νέμεσις in Diodoti Epigrammate ap. Brunck. Anal. T. II. p. 180. v.

'Αδρηστεία τε δια και Ιχναίη σε φυλάσσοι

παρθένος, και πολλούς ψευσαμένη Νέμεσις : de diis ultoribus scelerum sæpe Angéły et similia usurpantur: Eurip. Bacch. 888. κρυπτεύουσι δε ποικίλως Δαρόν κρόνου πόδια, και Θηρώσιν τον ävettov, ad quem locum Jacubs Emend. in Eurip. p. 8. fin. laudat Philonem Jud. de Mose, I. p. 96. ή γαρ κόλασις επομένη κατ' ίχνος, μελλόντων μεν έβραδυνή, προς δε αδικήματα Θεόντας επιδραριούσα καταλαμβάνω: hinc Eurip. Helen. 50.

ο δ' άθλιος πόσις τάς εμάς αναρTerries Ongą, i. e. persequitur, ulcisci cupiens, cf. Asch. Agam. 704. πολύανδροί το περασπίδες Κυνηγοί κατ' ίχνος Πλαταν άφαντον Κελσόντων Σιμόεντος ακτές : ita ap. Esch. Εum. 226. Erinnys loquitur, εγώ δεΜέτειμι τόνδε φώτα και κυνηγέτις, Choeph. 921. Erinnyes penas pro matris code ab Oreste repetentes vocantur μητρός έγκοτοι κύνες.” (p. 127.) Now we are decidedly agreed with Matthiæ in deriving Themis's surname of 'Izvain not so much from a Thessalian city, as from the verb, « επι του ιχνάσθαι, quia sceleratos investigat et persequitur, tan. quam justitiæ dea,” notwithstanding the authority of Ruhnken; and the passage, which Matthiæ has produced from an epigram of Diodo tus, where the same epithet is applied to Nemesis, strongly corroborates our idea: for Nemesis is, as we presume, not called Νέμεσις 'I Xoccin from the circumstance of her having been worshipped at the Thessalian city, "Ιχναι. If we suppose, with Rulhnken and Pierson, that Euripides, in the disputed passage of the Medea, applied the epithet izvain to obless allusively to her worship at "lyvau, it is a mere idle epithet, but, if we suppose with Matthiæ that it is an epithet applied to the Goddess in her judicial capacity από του ιχνασθαι, it adds

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greatly to the force, strictly accords with the context, and harmonizes perfectly with the spirit of the passage.

κλύεθ' οία λέγει, καπιβοάται
Θέμις Ιχναίαν, Ζήνα θ', ος όρκων

θεατoις ταμίας νενομισται.' The epithet to Themis corresponds precisely with what is said of Jupiter, and if we retain the original reading e'xtalar, this correspondence is destroyed, and the passage is unnerved of its vigor. We feel persuaded that, if these remarks should meet the eye of that sensible, learned, and ingenious scholar, Imm. G. Huscke, he will be disposed to change his opinion on this point : he writes thus in the 133d page of the Analecta critica in Anthologiam Græcam : “Imprimis notandum est hoc deos ipsos, quibus vota faciunt homines, passim dici sorteious, ut Themis ap. Eurip. Med. 168. : Ruhnken. corrigebat Okuu 'Ixvecias: vide Pierson. ad Marin, p. 137.: Jacobs. Okuur 'Artalar, Animadvv. in Epigr. V. 11. P. 1. p. 365., sed nihil videtur mutandum : de Luna, Hesychius v. Ουρανίη δ' αίξ– επήκοος δε έστιν αυτή ίσως, ότι και ενίους και σελήνη τη αιγί εποχείται: ταύτη δε τα γύναια ηχετο δια το και αυτήν επί τα 'Ενδυμίωνι τα αυτά παθεϊν· όθεν και Εύκταίαν φασίν αυτήν ένιοι : in Εp. ΧΧΙΙ. Antipatri Thessalonicensis vulgo legitur,

αι τρείς ασταί έσαν και εταιριδες αλλά τυχούσαι

Κύπριδος ευκρήτου, νύν ενός εισι μία, reposuit Brunck. Kóngidos sintains, ad sensum egregie: hanc lectionem, notatam quoque in Cod. Vatic. unice veram habeo." On the H. in Apoll. v. 36.

λείπε δε θυμών φοινών αποπνείουσ'.

'. On an interesting passage we have a very important Note, which we shall cite : « Dictio λείπειν θυμόν non Ηomerica visa est Clarkio. et Ruhnkenio, at, si non Homerica, Græca tamen est, et defendi potest loco Pindari Pyth. 111. 180. różors do fuxing distás. Virg. Æn. 11. 140. Lirquebant dulces animas, Terent. Ad. m. 5, 52. Animam relinquam ; quod vero Ruhnken. reponendum censet; heiß: di posvòn vuorárone ovo', id valde vereor, ut ulli probet (etsi Bopeos &conveíuy, Homericum, v. Il. 8, 524. Apollon. Rh. iv. 472. quem locum ipse margini exempli sui allevit) quandoquidem et Poror per-se sinè adjuncto aiuc, fundere sanguinem (quamvis aiuc asifestan, effundi dicitur Hesiod. Asp. 174.) de moriente vix usurpatur : ovuor Porròsanguinolentam animam accipio, etsi pro hoc apud Homerum est Pornos : ut de pouvès apud Homerum II. B', 308. x', 23. a', 474.

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rubrum, sanguinei coloris significat, apud sequiores vero, ut Hesiod. Asp. 250. et nostri Hymni v. 304. sanguinolentum, ita Porvos etiam primo rubrum, ut Il. , 159. deinde sanguinis avidum significare potuit: Ilgenius purpureum animum interpretatur, et comparat Virg. Æn. Ix. 349. Purpuream vomit ille animam, quo nihil minus Homericum, tales metaphoræ apud Lyricos et tragicos Græcos tantum in usu fuerunt.” (p. 178.) Mr. Blomfield, on the Prometheus, has inappositely cited this 361st verse of the Hymn to Apollo, as has been shown by Mr. Barker elsewhere.

[To be continued.]

ON THE SORTES SANCTORUM OF THE ANCIENT

CHRISTIANS.

The SORTES SANCTORUM, or SORTES SACRF, were a species of divination practised in the earlier ages of Christianity, and consisted in casually opening the Sacred Scriptures, and from the words, which first presented themselves, deducing the future lot of the inquirer. They were evidently derived from the Sortes Homerica, and Sortes Virgiliane of the Pagans, but accommodated to their own circumstances by the Christians, who being “mingled among the heathen, learned their works.” Ps. cvi. v. 35.

Complete copies of the Old and New Testaments being rarely met with prior to the invention of printing, the PSALMS, or the PROPHETS, or the Four GOSPELS, were the parts of Holy Writ principally made use of in these divinatory consultations, which were sometimes accompanied with various ceremonies, and conducted with great solemnity, especially on public occasions. Thus the Emperor Heraclius, in the war against the Persians, being at a loss whether to advance, or to retreat, commanded a public fast for three days, which being terminated, he applied to the Gospels, and opened upon a text which he regarded as an oracular intimation to winter in Albania. Gregory of Tours also relates, that Merovaeus, being desirous of obtaining the kingdom of Chilperic his father, consulted a female fortune-teller, who promised him the possession of the royal estates; but, to prevent deception, and to try the truth of her prognostications, he caused the PSALTER, the Book OF KINGS, and the Four GOSPELS, to be laid upon the shrine of St. Martin, and after fasting and solemn prayer, opened upon passages which not only destroyed his former hopes, but seemed to predict the unfortunate events which afterwards befel him.'

· Gataker, Of the Nature and use of Lots, ch. x. p. 315. 2d Ed. Lond. 1627.

The President Henault, in his Chronological Abridgment of the History of France, A. D. 506. says, “ This abuse was introduced by the superstition of the people, and afterwards gained ground by the ignorance of the bishops ; since there were prayers at that time read in churches for this very purpose. This appears evident from Pithou's Collection of Canons, containing some formulæ under the title of The Lot of the Apostles, which M. Pithou the elder found at the end of the canons of the Apostles, in the Abbey of Marmoustier.”

Various canons were made in different Councils and Synods against this superstition. About the year 465, the Council of Vannes, in the Synodal epistle to the absent bishops, expresses its decision in the fol. lowing terms: “Ac ne id fortasse videatur omissum, quod maxime fidem catholicæ religionis infestat, quod aliquanti clerici student auguriis

, et sub nomine fictæ religionis, quas sanctorum sortes vocant, divinationis scientiam profitentur, aut quarumcumque scripturarum inspectiones futura promittunt: hoc quicumque clericus detectus fuerit vel consulere, vel docere, ab ecclesia habeatur extraneus.""

This was repeated at the Council of Agde in 506. and in the year 578. the Council of Auxerre decreed: “Non licet ad sortilegos, vel ad auguria respicere, non ad caragios, nec ad sortes quas Sanctorum vocant, vel quas de ligno, aut de pane faciunt, aspicere : sed quæcumque homo facere vult, omnia in nomine Domini faciat."

The fourth Council of Toledo, held in 633. also ordained Can. 30. " Clericus qui sortilegos consuluerit, suspensus in Monasterium conjiciatur.”

A Capitulary of Charlemagne, framed in 789. decrees: «De.co. dicibus vel tabulis requirendum, et ut nullus in Psalterio, vel in Evangelio vel in aliis rebus sortiri præsumat, nec divinationes aliquas observare."

And amongst the Ecclesiastical Laws of Canute, is the following: “ Prohibemus etiam serio omnem ethnicismum. Ethnicismus est, quum quis idola adorat, hoc est, quum quis adorat deos gentiles, et solem vel lunam, ignem vel fluvium, torrentem vel saxa vel alicujus generis arborum ligna, vel (quum quis) veneficium amat, vel sicariatum committit ullo modo; vel sortilegio, vel teda, vel aliquo phantasmate aliquid perficit.”

Similar canons were formed in the Councils of London, under Archbishop Lanfranc in 1075, and Archbishop Corboyl, in 1126.

But ecclesiastical authority was insufficient to suppress the practice; the desire to pry into futurity existed too strongly in the human breast to be easily controlled, and it was reserved to more enlightened times to abolish the superstition, by convincing of its folly. The learned Gataker has adduced a number of instances of the use of the Sortes

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9:3

· Labbei, S. S. Coucilia, Tom. iv. p. 1057.
2 Ibid. Tom. v. p. 958.
3 Jbid. Tom. vii. p. 989.
4 Wilkins, Concil. Mag. Brit. Vol. i. p. 3066
5 Ibid. Vol. i. pp. 363-408.

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