whole revenue of the post-office. What then should be the estimate of the deficiency? He saw no other rational course but that which had been proposed.-p. 300.

a

Mr. Warburton complained of the manner in which the question had been treated. Nobody had spoken of postage, except as a part of the revenue. He denied that it had ever, from the first statute creating a post-office down to the last report, been treated as a mere matter of revenue. The original act by which the post-office was created, the act of Charles 2d, stated that the postoffice was established, not as branch of the revenue, but for the advantage of trade and commerce. The public was therefore in the right in the view which they took of this matter-namely, that the primary object of its institution was to contribute to their convenience. The advantage of post-office communications ought to be accessible to the whole community; and the subject was, in fact, one which ought not to be made matter of taxation at all.-p. 302.

Viscount Sandon, a conservative, thought it necessary to explain the vote he intended to give in favor of the motion. He had long been of opinion that the post-office was not a proper source of revenue; it ought, in his opinion, to be employed in stimulating other sources of revenue. He had expressed these opinions in other places; they were not the result of pressure from without, but were the sincere feelings of his own mind. p. 304. The vote for the bill was, 215 to 113.

July 22, the bill came up on the second reading. Mr. Goulburn complained of the boundless discretion given to the Treasury by the bill. Sir R. H. Inglis shared in the same opinion. He also denounced the scheme, as a plan in itself for the benefit of the great traders. He thought it was introduced partly on political grounds, to gain popularity, VOL. VI.

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but mainly for the purpose of benefiting great mercantile houses. Before the franking privilege was limited, they had heard it was worth to a mercantile house from £300 to £800 a year; at present it could not be worth less than £300. The great advantage, therefore, which his plan held out to mercantile houses, was the cause of the numerous petitions which had emanated from them, and of the meeting at the Mansion House two or three weeks ago. He would therefore resist this bill.-p. 626.

He adverted to the abolition of the franking privilege, and said he did not see why, because a tax was to be taken off others, a tax was to be imposed on members. It would be, to those who had much correspondence, at least £15 a year, at the reduced rate of a penny a let ter. To the revenue the saving to be obtained was so small, that he hoped the House would not consent to rescind that privilege.—p. 627.

On the true measure of postage he said, the real question before the House was not, whether the government could send the letters of the community from London to Edinburgh for one-twelfth of a penny each, and therefore ought not to charge a shilling, but what it would cost each individual to forward his own letters, if no such thing as a post-office existed.-p. 627.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer said the sacrifice of the franking privilege would be small in amount, but at the same time, be it small or great, he thought there would be not one feature in the new system which would be more palatable to the public, than this practical evidence of the willingness of members of this House, to sacrifice every thing per sonal to themselves for the advantage of the public revenue.-p. 634.

Sir Robert Peel did not think it desirable that members of this House should retain their privilege of franking. He thought if this were to be continued after this bill came into

operation, there would be a degree of odium attached to it, which would greatly diminish its value. He agreed that it would be well to restrict in some way the right of sending by mail the heavy volumes of reports; and said there were many members who would shrink from the exercise of such a privilege, to load the mail with books. He would also require, that each department should specially pay the postage incurred for the public service in that department. If every office be called upon to pay its own postage, we shall introduce a useful principle into the public service. There is no habit connect ed with a public office so inveterate, as the privilege of official franking. -p. 635.

I stated on a former night, that having deliberately protested against this measure, I should not think it necessary to meet its further progress with any vexatious opposition.-p. 636.

I do not deny that great social and commercial advantages will arise from the change, independent of financial considerations. Even if the scheme had not been proposed, I think the evidence laid before the committee would warrant a considerable reduction in postage. I think we should have made the experiment of a partial reduction. It has been said that the principal advantage of the measure will be felt by the commercial interests. If so, it will be a greater recommendation to me, for wherever commercial in terest is facilitated, the result must be the general benefit of the country. p. 639.

Opposition being thus abandoned, the bill was read a third time and passed, on the 29th of July, and had its first reading in the House of Lords on the same day.

August 5th, Viscount Melbourne moved the second reading of the bill. He said it was not necessary to point out how great would be the advantages, commercial and social,

that would result from this change. There was another matter which was made manifest in the evidence, as the result of the high charge for postage-the extraordinary contraband conveyance of letters. It had become necessary to make reductions in the rates of postage to the extent contemplated in the bill, in order to protect both the revenue and the morals of the people. For it must be recollected, if only a small reduction were made, it would not effect the object in view; for while the modes of evasion had been organized and put into play, so that they might be resorted to with ease, it had become almost a habit, and persons for the sake of small profit, would be induced to follow the contraband trade of conveying letters; and above all, when it was the most easy matter in the world to pursue it. He would therefore say that, so far as this plan was for the general benefit, and also for the purpose of collecting the revenue, the reduction should be made to such an extent as to ensure the object of stopping the contraband trade.—p. 1208.

The Duke of Wellington had nev er addressed their lordships with more pain and anxiety than at present. He admitted the force of the argument urged by the noble Viscount as to the expediency, and indeed the necessity of establishing a uniform and low rate of postage. He admitted the great inconveniences that resulted from the present high rates of postage, tending, as they did, to the contraband conveyance of letters. He was disposed to admit that that which was called Mr. Rowland Hill's plan, was, if it was carried out exactly as was proposed, of all the plans, that which was most likely to be successful. But he felt there was a great mistake in supposing that the reduced price of postage to one penny, to be paid on the delivery of the letter, would induce a great deal of literary correspondence. For some years he

had had some knowledge of the advantage and operation of such a system in the army, and he could safely assure their lordships that it was quite curious to observe the very small quantity of correspondence carried on by soldiers, notwithstand ing they had the utmost facilities afforded them for correspondence at a penny a letter. Here, he contended, was a fact which showed that the people of this country would not be so ready to correspond, if they had a cheap postage.-p. 1216. He then went into an examination of the finances, found much fault with the proposed method of meeting the financial difficulty, and closed by declaring that, as the reform of the post-office, which it is the object of this bill to effect, and which is desired should be carried into execution, must altogether lie over, unless you agree to some such measure as this, I shall, although with great reluctance, vote for the bill, and I earnestly recommend you to do likewise. p. 1221.

The Earl of Ripon could not see where in the world they could get any more taxes, to supply the deficiency of the revenue which this would create, though he quite con curred in thinking that the post-office revenue ought not to be raised with a mere view to revenue, but they had got involved in a different policy, and might embarrass the government by trying to get out of it in too hasty a manner.-p. 1227.

Lord Brougham commended the candor of Lord Melbourne's statements; he had more confidence in the noble Viscount when he saw him take that calm, rational, deliberate view of the question, and it would give the country more confidence.

p. 1228. The noble Duke had said that extravagant calculations were made of the increase of the number of letters to be sent by post, and he gave a remarkable instance, which was, of course, quite certain, that a regiment of a thousand men, in six

months, only sent sixty-five letters by post. He had heard of similar facts, but he had two answers in point. In the first place, soldiers, if he might use the expression with all possible respect for the military character, were not letter-writing animals. They were not naturally writers of letters. They fought, para. ded and obeyed orders very naturally; habit had made it second nature: but they were not in the constant habit of taking up a pen and getting a sheet of paper and writing a letter. They did not correspond upon military subjects; it was not always permitted, and indeed they did not correspond much upon any subjects, except indeed upon amatory subjects, and those not so much with persons at a distance, as by word of mouth. But this argument proved too much-it proved that this regiment wrote no letters at all; only one man in twenty-five ever wrote, and the rest could not write at all, more than if they were horses. p. 1229. Another answer was the fact, that in February, 1838, the number of military letters that went through the General Post-office in London was 2,410, whilst the total number of letters was 188,000; so that one-eightieth of the whole number of letters were written by soldiers, who were not naturally letter-writers, but who were tempted to correspond by the extremely low rate of postage, [1d. for soldiers' letters.]-p. 1230.

He adduced some facts as to the effect of low prices. In Dublin a reduction made in the postage, from two pence to a penny, was calcula ted to create a loss of £20,000 in £100,000; but so far from that, it had produced a gain or £10,000 in £100,000. A similar reduction in Edinburgh to a penny rate, had caused no loss, and was at present be ginning to produce an increase. fact, people did not care about a penny rate. The Penny Magazine, with which he in common with ma

In

ny of their lordships was connected, sold in one week 220,000; but he had no doubt that if raised one half penny in price, the sale would fall off one half. An instance of the kind took place in the sale of the Spectator, Addison's paper, to which the addition of half-penny in price caused an immense fall in the circulation. He had no doubt the same rule would apply to the reduction proposed in the bill before their lordships, and that here as in most cases relating to revenue, the lowering of the tax would increase the income. -p. 1231.

Lord Ashburton thought the instances cited by his noble friend of reduction in the revenue were not analogous, the reduction being in the present case of an extraordinary nature. He expected the cost of the department, under the new system, would amount to a million of money. This amount must be made up out of several pence before they could touch one farthing of the present income of £1,600,000. He could not help thinking it altogether a matter of much uncertainty. There could be no doubt that the country at large would derive an immense benefit; the consumption of paper would be increased considerably; it appeared by all the evidence most probable that the number of letters would be at least doubled.—p. 1232.

It appeared to him that a tax upon communication between distant parties, was of all taxes the most objectionable. He referred to the condition of emigrants in Canada, and of the poor at home, and to the benefits of communication in all the branches of commerce. If men engaged in business were precluded from that free discussion which was necessary to the successful transaction of their affairs, business must become crippled and contracted, and many excellent speculations must lie dormant, in consequence of insufficient information.-p. 1233. At one time he was of opinion that the

uniform charge of postage should be 2d.; but he found the mass of evidence so strongly in favor of Id., that he concluded her Majesty's ministers were right in coming down to the uniform rate of 1d.-p. 1234.

The Earl of Lichfield, Postmaster General, said that the leading idea of Mr. Rowland Hill's bill seemed to be the fancy that he had hit a scheme for recovering the £2,000,000, which he thought the post-office had lost by the high rates of postage. His own opinion was, that the recovery of that revenue was totally impossible, and that by the proposed reduction, a consider. able loss to the revenue would ac crue. He, therefore, supported the present measure on entirely different grounds from those on which Mr. Hill proposed it. He assented to the bill on the grounds on which it had been proposed by his noble friend-on the grounds on which it had been proposed in the House of Commons. In neither house had it been brought forward on the ground that the revenue would be the gainer, or that, under it, the revenue would be equal to that now derived from the post-office department. HE ASSENTED TO IT ON THE SIMPLE

GROUND THAT THE DEMAND FOR IT

WAS UNIVERSAL, after three years' consideration-after public meetings, at which the matter had been fully discussed, and the voluminous evidence which showed a material loss to the revenue from the change, had been published, petitions from all parts of the country crowded the tables of both houses of Parliament, and the people, through their representa tives, were strong in their expres sions in its favor; and therefore he was entitled to come, with his noble friend, to the conclusion that it was highly expedient that this measure should pass into a law. So obnox ious was the tax on letters, that the people had declared their readiness to submit to any impost that might be substituted in its stead; and on

these principles he agreed to the plan, assuring the House that he would use his best exertions in carrying it out. p. 1238.

With this, the debate closed, and the bill passed. The results, the benefits to the country, the vast increase of correspondence, the friendships cultivated, the social affections gratified, the great advantages im

parted to trade, the aid given to every movement of philanthropy, the power it has conferred on the people to control the government, the stability it has given to the gov ernment by its new hold upon the affections of the people, are topics of reflection on which our limits forbid us to expatiate at this time.

THE age of Louis XIV. is marked by two apparently inconsistent facts the unusual prevalence of persecution by the authorities of the Romish church in France, and the unusual manifestation of piety among its members. Whether it was the extension to another scene of the powerful work of the Spirit which was then going forward in Great Britain, whether it was owing to the reaction of the persecutions producing awe and solemnity in many minds, or whatever is the explanation, the fact is indisputable. We need name only Pascal and Fenelon. But the minute examination of the history of that period shows a great number who trusted with more or less distinctness in a crucified Savior, and led lives of sincere and humble piety. The piety, however, which prevailed among individuals was a foil to set off those anti-christian elements, which are incorporated into the Romish church. For, while the church was persecuting the Hugue nots, it spared not pious persons within its own communion; it sent

Life and religious opinions and experience of Madam de la Mothe Guyon; together with some account of the personal history and religious opinions of Fenelon, Archbishop of Cambray. By Thomas C. Upham, Professor of Mental and Moral Philosophy in Bowdoin College. In two vols. New York: Harper & Brothers. 1847.

Fenelon into banishment from his high position at the palace, and persecuted poor washerwomen for presuming to pray in their own houses, in any words not prescribed in the liturgy. And yet not all were persecuted. Many private persons, whom circumstances did not bring into collision with the ecclesiastics, were allowed to enjoy their piety in peace; while Fenelon was banished, the Duke de Beauvilliers, holdthe same sentiments and imbued with a similar piety, was retained in office; while Michael de Molinos and Father La Combe were worn out in prisons, Francis de Sales, who taught the same doctrine, was but a little while before (1665) canonized.

To those who are accustomed to think that the corruptions of the Romish church must adhere to every individual in its communion, it may seem strange to talk about piety among Romanists in any age. If

to be a member of that church is necessarily to be an idolater, to be ignorant of the truths of the Bible, to lean on the priest for pardon, to trust to penances and human works, Roman Catholic and, at the same then it is indeed impossible to be a time, a Christian. But history shows it is not so. We thank God that we are not compelled to believe that the vast portion of the history of Christendom occupied by the Catho