ant evils of such a system. It is probable, how ever, that by the increase of scientific knowledge additional modes of industry will be developed in an accelerated and unheard-of ratio; while, without any artificial and unnatural restraints, it is likely that as society advances there will be a diminution in the quantity of children and an improvement of their quality. If, however, the multiplication of population were to go on at the present English rate, there is no ground for assuming that improved methods of production, and new industries arising from the growth of science, would be inadequate to their demands. What, however, seems imperative, is that a generation should be brought up under improved conditions, better acquainted with individual and social happiness, and determined not to sink back to the level on which we now stand.

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CHAPTER XI.

DEMOCRACY.

WHATEVER diversity of opinion there may be about disputable points of controversial theology and technical methods of salvation, the civilized world are agreed that Christian principles are destined to prevail, not to the exclusion of, but in union with, other principles that are true. Now, Christianity is essentially a democratic religion: it regards the individual rather than the state; and more efforts for the improvement of individual character have been made by it than by all other religions put together. This fact supplies one of many arguments that might be adduced to show that progress means a march towards democracy, or government in conformity with the opinions, and for the interests, of the many. Any form of government may be consistent with the democratic principle, provided it is sufficiently apt to receive popular impressions, and embody the national will. The emancipation of the serfs in Russia may

convert that vast empire into a democracy long before the growth of civilization would enable the people to work the sort of constitutional mechanism known as the "British Constitution."

In the reign of Elizabeth, although that famous vixen snubbed the House of Commons and trounced the bishops, the government was democratic in the sense of carrying out the strong, earnest will of the majority of the people. On the other hand, a republic with universal suffrage and the ballot-box would not be democratic if from other causes the people were unable to develop a real and effective public opinion.

What is called self-government by no means necessarily supposes elective councils or parliaments, which are only methods for collecting the general will, and giving it the required shape. With plenty of newspapers and public meetings, and no parliament at all, it would be easy to have a larger amount of liberty than existed in these islands in the bad old times of George III. What was then suffered under a supposed free constitution is apt to be forgotten; and such statements as the following from Lord Cockburn's Memorials,' would almost be supposed to refer to the Austrian dominions instead of to Edinburgh in 1800. "Nor was the absence of any free public

press compensated by any freedom of public speech. Public political meetings could not arise, for the elements did not exist. I doubt if there was one during the twenty-five years that succeeded the year 1795. Nothing was viewed with such horror as any political congregation not friendly to existing power. No one could have taken part in the business without making up his mind to be a doomed man. No prudence could protect against the falsehood or inaccuracy of spies; and a first conviction of sedition by a judge-picked jury was followed by fourteen years' transportation."

Where habits of local self-government have been cherished, democracy will probably take the form of a parliamentary constitution, with universal suffrage; but otherwise, a representative despotism is by no means improbable; and it would most likely be tempered with occasional revolution.

In any given country, the question of whether parliamentary institutions will survive, or be shattered by the march of democracy, will mainly depend upon their power of adapting themselves to be the conservators of the interest of the many. through gross bribery, or other forms of corruption, they should become the organs of a capitalist class, and bring suffering upon the masses, the latter

If

would be ready to support a despotic leader pledged to their own views.

By

Some writers have considered that the tendency of democracy is towards equality of social condition; but this is an incident not necessarily belonging to it, provided the inequalities are natural, not artificial. It is difficult to conceive the voice of the many to prevail, and tolerate restrictions to the natural dispersion of property; and it is very probable that Bentham's idea of "Escheat v. Taxation" will in some countries find favour. this plan the power of bequest to distant relations, or non-relations, would be limited, and also the amount of property that each person could acquire by inheritance, and the surplus would be claimed by the state. It is also likely that the claims of a nation upon the land of a country will be considered greater than they have been under most modern systems; and a graduated property tax so adjusted as not materially to diminish the inducements to continue accumulating, is by no means an impossible idea.

The course of democracy will vary much in different countries, and it will be temporarily allied with, or in hostility to, a landed aristocracy, when such an institution exists, according to the relative positions assumed by such an aristocracy and a