party, Niccola Bombacci, the vice-president, and Giacinto Serrati, the editor of the Avanti. The sentences, ranging from 2 years 4 months to 3 years 6 months, gave rise to numerous anti-governmental demonstrations throughout Italy.

Prior to the armistice, in the fall of 1918, the party convention reiterated its anti-war position, called the socialist Deputies to task for failing to take a more aggressive stand in the Italian Parliament, and gave to the party committee power to expel recalcitrant deputies. It also refused to send delegates to the Inter-Allied Socialist and Labor Conference scheduled for London, on the ground that Mr. Gompers and the A. F. of L. would be represented, and delegates from the Socialist Party of America and of the Bolsheviks of Russia would not be present. The party, also, repudiated both the mission from the A. F. of L. and from the Social Democratic League of America.

In the meanwhile, the pro-war socialists organized, in the Spring of 1918, an Italian Socialist Union, which largely absorbed the Reformist Socialist Party. This group coöperated with an Italian Federation of Workers, a group of independent unions that claimed something like 150,000 members.

After the Armistice. Following the signing of the armistice, the executive committee of the Italian Socialist Party, on December 12, 1918, issued a declaration, stating that it would not "join in the homage to the representative of the United States," as, despite his personal liberality, he represented a capitalistic government, and was not in a position to make his ideals actualities.

The party aimed, according to the manifesto, "at the establishment of a socialist republic and the dictatorship of the proletariat," with the following scope:

"1. Socialization of the means of production and transportation, land, mines, railroads, steamships, operated and managed directly by the peasants, sailors, miners and workers.

2. Distribution of commodities through coöperatives or municipal agencies, exclusively.

"3. Abolition of military conscription and universal disarmament, following the union of all socialist proletarian international republics of the world."

The declaration also vigorously advocated the withdrawal of troops from Russia. When President Wilson visited the Chamber of Deputies, he found the forty seats of the socialist Deputies unoccupied. Throughout his visit, the radical press constantly asked why a president with his ideals could permit a ten years' jail sentence for Eugene V. Debs, and condemned Wilson for failing to denounce the known imperialism of the Italian Government.

By the end of the year, even Bissolati of the Socialist Union found it impossible to continue as a member of the cabinet, and resigned, on December 28, declaring that the foreign policy of Baron Sonnino in regard to the west coast of the Adriatic would lead to new wars. The Socialist Union also practically repudiated Bononi and Berenini for retaining their places in the cabinet following the resignation of Bissolati. It recorded itself in December against secret diplomacy and in favor of a league of nations.

The 1919 Activities. During the first half of 1919, the party continually reiterated its demand for the withdrawal of troops from Russia, waged a campaign for amnesty of political prisoners, securing the release of Lazzari and others; demanded for all people "the right to dispose freely of their own destiny, particularly for the peoples of Dalmatia and Asia Minor, whose independence is now threatened by the menace of Italian imperial

ism"; again recorded itself " in favor of a general strike, for the purpose of obtaining the conquest of power by the Italian people," demobilization, liberty and the withdrawal of troops from Russia, and instituted numerous strikes and demonstrations to impress its demands.

The Italian Party and the International.— Signores Lazzari and Morgari were sent in February to the Berne International Socialist Conference and were authorized to support it "if it adheres to the old International spirit.' The delegates, on their arrival, declared that this spirit was absent and that the Italian party "cannot consent to participate in partial conferences of parties and groups which worked hand in glove with the bourgeois governments during the war." The party later issued a scathing denunciation against the International Socialist Bureau, for organizing the Berne Conference," a caricature of an International Socialist Conference "; declared that "it is impossible to conceive the co-existence in a single organization of those who were loyal to the principles of the International and those who betrayed those principles and are still opposed to the realization of socialism"; gave its adhesion to the Moscow Conference, and promised to do what it could to unite those socialists who remained true to internationalism.

The Party and the Peace Conference. The party denounced, at the first meeting of the new executive in Milan, the proposals of the Peace Conference for the League of Nations" illusions," as the committee termed these proposals,

craftily disseminated in the Conference of Paris which, under the ingenuous mask of Wilsonian bourgeois ideology, is re-creating the Holy Alliance among the conquerors, to oppress not only politically but also economically the conquered

populations, dumb victims of the mistakes and rapacity of the bourgeoisie, captained by imperialistic militarism, and against the international proletariat."

This statement was followed, on April 3, 1919, by a caustic criticism of the Peace Conference signed by the group of forty-one socialist members of the Chamber of Deputies, in part as follows:

"The Entente tends to crush down the defeated nations. New nations are organizing, not for their own interests, but as foils for the victorious ones. The peace that is outlined at Paris is equal to the Brest-Litovsk Treaty. Therefore, war will hover, as in the past, over the earth. France is carving for herself new territories, with coal underground and men overground. Italy wavers between a false Wilsonian and a true imperialism. England and America tend to the economic conquest of the world. The proletarian class of all countries should consider if the general strike, which has already won so many partial conquests, cannot internationally affirm their will to peace and life.

"We shall compel the Paris Conference to respect what was voluntary promised, and to give to the working class the real disposition of the executive powers; which, for Italy, means the radical reform of the constitution, participation in the larger ballot, direct representation of the syndical organs, the abolition of every arbitrary power, the abolition of the Senate, the right of self-convocation of Parliament, a larger technical and administration decentralization and so forth, that is a real sovereignty of the people. Thus will the people affirm and progressively maintain a a stricter brotherhood between the nations, until the construction of a new state that includes all."

During the Spring also there were numerous disturbances in Italian cities twenty-four hour strikes in Rome, Milan, Bologna, Turin, and other cities, some as a protest

against the government's action in refusing permission to parade, some in order to enforce economic demands.

In early July food riots occurred in many cities, thousands of stores were ransacked, municipal governments were ignored and Chambers of Labor were entrusted with the distribution of food.

The international general strike of July 21, 1919, completely tied up Milan, Trieste and several other industrial centers. In the November, 1919, elections the Socialist Party practically doubled its representation in the Chamber of Deputies, electing 156 candidates. The Reformist Socialists elected 16 deputies, the Liberals, 161, the Democrats, 23, the Republicans, 9, Discharged Soldiers, 23, and miscellaneous, 8.

The Socialist candidate, Lazzari, secured 143 votes for President of the Chamber to 251 for Signor Orlando. In the late fall, strikes again occurred in Italy with great frequency.

THE SCANDINAVIAN COUNTRIES

The strong socialist movements in Denmark, Sweden and Norway were active during the war in preserving the neutrality of their respective countries, and in assisting in the organization of an international socialist conference.

In Denmark and Sweden, where the parties are plurality, although not majority parties, the socialists entered for a time into coalition ministries with the liberals. The moderate course pursued in those countries led to the formation of left wing groups. In Norway, the party swung during the war definitely to the left. All three movements increased steadily in influence among the

masses.