to this principle because of its wisdom, in the loss of faith and of peace, in cases in knowing all the while that there are fervent which they do not issue in immorality, or in youths (abetted by conceited older men) scepticism and profanity. who, as believing that the next turn in the high à priori road which they are pursuing, is to open on the ocean of absolute truth, will feel as if it were turning them back, when the long looked for object were about to burst gloriously on their view. These exercises we suspect resemble not so much those of the gymnasium, as those of the ancient gladiatorial shows, in which no doubt there were many brilliant feats performed, but in which also, members were mutilated, and the heart's blood of many a brave man shed. We fear that in not a few cases generous and courageous youth have entered the lists to lose in the contest, all creed, all religious-and in some cases all moral principle, and with these all peace and all stability. By JAMES STIRLING. London: Parker. 1857. American Slavery and Colour. By WILLIAM CHAMBERS. London: W. and R. Chambers. 1857. Two nations, in the present era of the world's Nor are we to be seduced into an admiration of these imposing systems, by the plea often urged in their behalf, that they furnish a gymnasium for the exercise of the intellect. We acknowledge that one of the very highest advantages of study of every description is to be found in the vigour imparted to the mind which pursues it. But, whatever may have been the state of things in the days of the schoolmen, it is not necessary now to resort to fruitless à priori speculation, in ART. V.-1. Letters from the Slave States. order to find an arena in which to exercise the intellect. Nay, we are convinced that when the research conducts to no solid 2. results, it will weary the mind without strengthening it; the effort will be like that of one who beateth the air; and activity will always be followed by exhaustion, by dissatisfaction, and an unwillingness to make further exertion. Labour it is true, is its own reward; but if there be no other reward there will be the want of the proper incentive, the vigour imparted is only one of the incidental effects which follow when labour is undertaken in the hope of reaching the other having attained to manhood and substantial fruits. Nor is it to be forgotten achieved independence, strides onward in a that these speculations though fruitless of separate but not altogether dissimilar career. good are not fruitless of evil. In the strug. They acknowledge their kindred by termgles thus engendered, there are other powers ing themselves Anglo-Saxons-a name unof the mind tried as well as the understand- known to the official catalogue of political ing; there are often sad agonisings of the designations, but one which expresses, in a feelings, of the faith, and indeed, of the higher sense than mere political classificawhole soul, which feels as if the foundation tion, a community of origin, and not the on which it previously stood had been re- less a community of end, aim, purpose, and moved and none other supplied, and as if it destination. Of all races, this Anglo-Saxon had in consequence to sink for ever--or as race is the most ceaselessly active, the most if it were doomed to move for ever onward daring in design, the most indomitable in without reaching a termination, while all re-execution. It is girding the world with its treat has been cut off behind. In these wrestlings, we fear that many wounds are inflicted, which rankle for long, and often terminate in something worse than the dissolution of the bodily organism, for they end power, from two ends, and carrying into new regions the fruits and labours of civilization more than any, or all other races combined. Geographical considerations have assigned to Britain one course, and to America another course, but the end in view is we look on a stone, we know the stone to be an ob- substantially the same. America, with the ject separate from, and independent of the object. same intention as Britain-" to subdue the He says (Scott. Phil. pp. 19, 20), that "no man in earth and make it yield its increase "-has his senses would require a proof that it (that is real existence) is." We are glad of this appeal to man's obviously a different career from that of "senses," but we insist that these same senses Britain, a different destiny over which a dif tell us that the stone has an existence independent of ferent genius presides. Britain departs from the contemplative mind. This cannot be disproved a centre, works from a centre, colonizes from by any pretended demonstration, for the principles assumed in such cannot be more certain than the truth which they would set aside. a centre, and governs from a centre. Her political action is outward, not less than in ward. Her two islands, Britain and Ireland, | Islands, near to the Land of Fire, the British are all that she has to boast of in the shape mariner may hear the voice of praise issuing of a main land fit to rear a nation. The in the Anglo-Saxon tongue. In addition to rest of her home territories are small islands this, she has representatives at every court, -little dots that stand like children round and consuls at every seaport. Her cruisers the father and mother of the family. Seen bear her flag on every navigable sea. Eufrom the moon by some lunar Herschel or ropeans, Asiatics, Africans, Americans, and Lord Rosse, Britain would appear to occupy Australians are found wearing her uniform, but a small space. The map of the world eating her bread, bearing her arms, and conreveals her territorial insignificance. We tributing to extend her dominion. see two little spots huddled up into a corner, All this may be construed into ambition. awkwardly shot off to a side, as it were, We shall not stay to argue that point, but yet facing the great sea, on the very verge content ourselves with believing that, one and lip of the great waste of waters, with service which Britain renders to the world nothing outside of them to protect them; not would go far to justify the introduction of like Greece, or Italy, or Egypt, in a Mediter- her policeman's baton among the tribes of ranean bounded by a surrounding shore to the earth who otherwise would be a prey to be coasted by timid mariners, but on the lawless force. Britain keeps the police of very edge and verge of the great ocean, the ocean. Without the British flag and the looking out westward to the expanse. If British cannon, piracy would make naviga. she launch at all, she must launch with the tion too dangerous to be pursued as an art fearless heart that is ready to brave old of peace, and that fact is occasionally overocean-to take him with his gigantic west-looked when foreigners charge Britain with ern waves-to face his winds and hurri- ambition. Perhaps, also, there is a deeper canes his summer heats of the dead still and a better truth than the imaginary indetropics-his winter blasts-his fairy ice-pendence of savage tribes or violence-doing bergs-his fogs like palpable darkness-his chiefs and despots, no less than the brotherhail blasts and his snow. Britain has done hood of mankind, which justifies the strong So. From her island home she has sailed in protecting the weak. On that point, east and west, north and south. She has however, we say nothing. Let us rather gone outwardly, and planted empires. The turn to America. States themselves, now her compeer, were America, animated in a great measure by an offshoot from her island territory. Her a similar spirit to that of Britain, has endestiny is to plant out nations, and the tirely a different field for the exercise of her spirit of colonization is the genius that energies. She has no colonies, no foreign presides over her career. She plants out empire, no ocean fortresses, nothing out of Canada, Australia, New Zealand, and the herself, or out of the line of her own cirCape. Ceylon and the Mauritius she occu- cumference. She has, in fact, no central pies for trade. India she covers with a net- station from which to flow in all directions. work of law framed and woven in her She flows in a mass, not from a centre. She Anglo-Saxon loom. She clutches China, and trades largely, because she has large foreign begins at least to break up the celestial wants, and can supply large foreign desolecism. She lays hold of Borneo, and mands. Yet, with the exception of the straightway piratical prahus are seen wreck- South Sea whale fishery (which, although a ed and stranded on the shore, or blown to maritime pursuit, somewhat resembles a fragments in the air. She raises an impreg- foreign occupancy, from the peculiarity of nable fortress at the entrance of the Mediter- its arrangements) she has absolutely nothranean, and another in its centre, as security ing out of the limits of her own territory to her sea-borne trade. She does the same to require her attention. Yet her part in in embryo at the entrance to the Red Sea. the world's drama is scarcely inferior to Westward from Newfoundland she traverses that of Britain. It is different rather than a continent, and there, in the Pacific, Van- inferior. Her objects are,-to occupy a concouver's Island-which may one day be tinent-to assemble all its countries under a come the new Great Britain of new Anglo- single banner-to prevent war between them Saxon enterprise, destined to carry civiliza--to secure free trade between them-to tion to the innumerable islands of the great prevent all custom-house lines of duties and sea-bears the Union Jack for its island tariffs between them-and to make every banner, and acknowledges the sovereignty man (white man at present) within that vast of the British crown. At Singapore she has territory a free citizen of the same gigantic provisionally made herself mistress of the nation. She was placed upon the sea-shore, straits of Malacca, and thousands of miles on the outer verge of the great continent, away on the other hand at the Falkland and she must drive back into the wilds with The slave is an exception, and we shall endeavour to exhibit the reason. the axe in her hand and the rifle on her the utmost diversity in her separate terrishoulder. British men did not land on New tories, we have only to glance at the distinZealand or at Port Natal without arms; and guishing characteristic of the United States, the west, to America, is what New Zea- to remove surprise that institutions, which land or Natal is to Britain-a new colony appear utterly incongruous with civilization, that is brought under civilized rule, only should still be found within the limits of the after the first incidents of adventure, which great Republic. What Britain contains in imply more or less of warfare, disorder, her diversity of dominions, America conand fatal strife. Instead of the ocean and tains within the boundary line of her cirthe far distant settlement, America has had cumference. She could not, it is true, preto face the continent "Westward, Ho!" sent so great a variety of complexions, such She has had to pioneer her way-to ascend a multitude of dialects, nor such a rare specor to cross rivers-to traverse forests-to tacle of outward garb and appearance; but ford through swamps-to wander on the she could furnish variety notwithstanding. prairie-to meet the hostile Indian-to The Southern planter, who owns a thousand breast the mountains, and to slope down on slaves, contrasts as really with the New the far side, where she once more meets the England trader, as the Asiatic prince would sea, and finds the limits of her journeying contrast with the Melbourne merchant; the westward. More or less perfectly or im- Indian squaw contrasts with the lady of perfectly, she keep the police of this vast New York quite as much as the bride of region-sometimes with swift Lynch retri- the New Zealander or Hottentot would bution, sometimes with the stricter form- with the daughters of the English aristoalities of law; but, at all events, her osten- cracy; the seminole of Florida would consible object is to subdue and occupy the trast with the senator of Massachusetts continent, to carry law into every territory quite as much as the wildest Australian that acknowledges her sway, and to endow savage would with the Prime Minister or all who dwell within her boundary with the the Lord Chancellor of England. True, the same full rights of free citizenship. United States are under a Federal Government, but under a Government somewhat in the sense that all the colonies, territories, Britain, in planting out colonies, or in and possessions of Britain are under the establishing dominions, is compelled to en- same Government-a Government that tolecounter societies-tribes, nations, or states rates, even where it does not establish, the -in every stage of transition, and in every utmost diversity of laws, religions, policies, degree of progressive advancement. Her practices, usages, customs, privileges, exdominions include almost every known form emptions, and so forth. Acknowledge the of society-from the savage idolater, who Crown, pay your taxes, and commit no stalks about armed with a club and clothed breach of the public peace, is almost the in a skin, up to the Asiatic prince, whose only rule of British dictation. In all else, jewelled turban flashes in the sunlight, and we may find the most discordant elements whose arms are marvels of artistic beauty all mingled together, and all supposed to be even in the eyes of our most skillful arti- under the dominion of the British throne. ficers. The hut of the Australian savage, Slavery, it is true, is exempted. It is the the wigwam of the Red Indian, and the craal grandest attribute of the empire, that, notof the Kaffir, are found on British territory; withstanding all its creeds, all its comso also are the stockaded fort of the fur plexions, and all its languages, "the sceptre trader, and the hill fort of the chief in Ben- of Britain cannot touch a slave." But a gal; so also are the cottage of the hind, the quarter of a century has not yet elapsed house of the citizen, the mansion of the since the same Negro slavery which now lord, and the palace of the duke. But not prevails in the southern states of the Union, only do the British territories contain all prevailed in our West India Colonies and present conditions of society; they contain Mauritius; and, more recently, we have representatives of the historic phases through been compelled to enforce the truth with a which nations have passed. Were the Queen strong hand on our Dutch colonists at the to summon her subjects before her, she Cape. We have not much to boast of, would not only see all conditions of men, therefore, in point of time. from the skin-clad savage up to the peer in The difference, then, between Britain and his ermine, but she would see a living his America, is, that Britain contains, discretely tory of England portrayed in the living and in separate colonies or dominions, a vast representatives of the various stages and variety of laws and institutions; and that aspects of society. this variety of laws and institutions, or at Admitting, then, that Britain combines least a corresponding diversity, is found in the United States brought together within | State has been a virtual conquest or acquisithe boundary of the Union. The British tion on the part of freedom. What the prodominions are like a family, from which the gress has been, we shall see in detail as we sons and daughters are first sent to school, go on; but, before doing so, we must say a and then planted out, in different profes- word on the leading characteristic of the sions, to shift for themselves. The United Union-her genius, as distinguished from the States are like a joint-stock company, in genius of Britain. Britain colonizes or which each independent member holds governs; America absorbs and amalgashares, but, at the same time, pursues his mates. All states and territories, whatever own private business after his own fashion. their peculiarities, are absorbed into the It need not, therefore, be a matter of sur-Union-amalgamated with it, and form a prise to the student of political history, that constituent portion of it. If Britain had ten some of the colonies of Britain should have or twenty slave colonies, she could govern been infected with negro slavery, nor that them at a distance. There would be little some of the States of the Union should still or no reaction on the character of the Gocontinue to perpetuate the evil; but the vernment at home. The colonies send no same duty that impelled the British Govern- representatives to Parliament, and, consement to abolish it, must weigh with the quently, exercise no direct power on the Federal Government of America, as soon as formation of the Legislature. With Amethe Free States return a body of directors rica it is different. Her Government is the representing their own principles, or, in fact, reflection of herself. The Slave State sends representing the true interests of the Ame- its members to the American Parliament, rican Union. and the American Parliament rules and governs the Union. Wherever, therefore, America absorbs a new State, she absorbs not only a territory or a population, but a new element into her Legislature; and hence, the strife between slavery and freedom is a perpetual struggle of political parties, in pursuit of political power; and hence, also, the violent struggles that are now occurring to secure for the one side or the other the remaining territories that are still to be absorbed. The contest for Kansas, for instance, has not been merely a contest for the extension or restriction of slavery, but whether more votes in Congress should be added to the party of Slavery or to the party of Freedom; for both are aware that the first time the party of Freedom gains the ascendancy in Congress, a new era must dawn on the history of the Union. That America derived her slave system from Britain, is an unquestioned fact; and it is needless to argue the greater or less culpability of the two countries. The States, in declaring their independence, did so as colonies of Britain, in which slavery was tolerated and established. They formed a portion of the slave colonies of Britain, and, consequently, were more deeply implicated, and had a longer and more arduous struggle before them than the British-Empire at large, where slavery was a local ac.cident, pertaining only to a small portion of the general dominion. Slavery, with Britain, was only the disease of a branch of the empire. With the Declaration of Independence, a diseased branch took independent root, and gradually wrought its way to a more healthy condition of society. A colony, in separating from the mother country, necessarily retains the impress of its condition at the period of separation; and, though it must ever be regretted that the first constitution did not pronounce boldly for freedom, and terminate the question once for all by law, it must not be forgotten that the States were exclusively absorbed in their struggle for national independence, and had not contemplated the magnitude of the evil that might grow out of their hereditary disease. Rightly to understand the Slave question of America, therefore, it is necessary to conceive the Union as starting, not from the point of liberty, but from the point of slavery. In 1790-the year of the first census of the United States-two States only, Maine and Massachusetts, were absolutely without slaves; every other free We now, with the volumes on our list before us, enter more particularly on the question of Negro slavery in the United States, and lay down a few of the conditions of the problem, to enable us to detect the influences that are working out the demolition of the fatal institution. We are content to suppose that there are some in Britain to whom the subject is almost unwelcome-some who would pass it by as if it did not concern them, and who wish to hear no more of it. And yet, again this slave question must be faced. The statesman must face it, because it involves some of the most vital questions of national existence; the philanthropist must face it, because it involves an untold amount of human weal and human woe; the Christian must face it, because it involves the principles of his faith and the practices of his daily duty; the economist must face it, 238 Nov. because it involves a whole theory of labour | America, and have been brought up as and a problem of profit and loss; the travel- children in the presence of white civilization, ler must face it, because it intrudes itself such as it there appears. The early associaThe present slave knows hideously on his attention; the novelist tions of the American slave are American, must face it, because it involves scenes and not African. characters of specific national interest; the Africa only by tradition-a tradition that He knows nothing' of critic must face it, because it involves a has ceased to operate as a moving impulse Sooner or later we in his character. literature of its own. must all face it. Our Anglo-Saxon race is Africa, does not regard it as his fatherland, implicated in it-it belongs to our race's and indulges in no mysterious hope that he history; posterity will paint it into the por- may see it before he dies. A slave he may traiture of our time and being; we shall go be, but he is an American, as much so in down to posterity with this "dark shadow" fact as his white master, who may date a hanging about us. True, Britain has cut little further back in the history of his anadrift the shadow, and Britannia has emerged cestral importation, but who is an importawith Freedom-free to carry freedom far tion nevertheless-a man of British, French, and wide over the broad surface of the or German blood, born in America; and as world. But history will tell the tale of the the white race of America has gradually asAntilles, and the middle passage, and the sumed a national type of its own, which has slave whip, not yet passed out of the memo- no existence in the lands from which the ry of living men, and we of Britain shall emigrations have been made, it is certain have our share of the dark colouring not that the Negro-American has undergone less than our brethren of the West, on whom somewhat of a similar transformation, althe shadow has rested a little longer, as if freedom, like the sun, had risen first on us and was now but travelling westward. Let us, then, look at American slavery as it stands realised. 66 3 though the extent of the change may be less American. The Negro-American, under in his case than in the case of the white whatever influence it may be-climate, intercourse with the white man, the light of The population of the United States may Christianity, shaded and obscured as that be divided into five distinct classes or em- light has been-has become a different man branchments. First, the free white popula- from the native African. He has begun to tion of the Free States, numbering, at the awake from his intellectual apathy last census of 1850, about thirteen millions; thought has flashed across his mind that he second, the white population of the Slave also is a man; this dark race, down-trodden States, numbering about six millions; third, and slave-driven-has been imperceptibly the slaves of the Slave States, numbering inspired with an aspiration that has a differ-. more than three millions; and, fourth, the ent birth-place from Africa-that was born free persons of colour distributed through- in Britain, hewed out by the race of God's out the Union, numbering less than half a free Englishmen," as John Milton trimillion. But the white population of the umphantly calls his countrymen. Into the Slave States must itself be divided into woolly head this Anglo-Saxon notion has two classes, namely, the planters and slave- been making its half uncertain way. This owners, numbering only three hundred and thought is the thing that has made the radi fifty thousand, or, with their families and re- cal difference between the native African latives, say two millions altogether, and the and Negro-American. The Negro has befree white population of the Southern States, gun to think, and, thinking, has become -owning no slaves-numbering about four more dangerous; hence the ameliorations millions. It was out of this latter class that, to some extent, had been made in his that the Border ruffians were extemporised, condition, have latterly been superseded by apparently without much trouble, and with a system of more severe restriction. So no great change of habit. The three millions long as he refrained from thinking he could from the estimated be trusted; now that he has begun to think, of slaves of 1850 are now, Nothing that rate of known increase, little short of four he must be looked after, which is, perhaps, millions, the expectation being that they will the beginning of the end. exceed four millions at the ensuing census. America can now do can prevent the colAssuming, then, that the slave population oured population from acquiring knowledge, of the United States reaches, at the present and knowledge must ultimately be freedom time, nearly four millions, we next turn to if it be power. In race, however, there are gradations. the race. The slaves are of African blood, but not of African birth. A few there are The black blood and the white have minof the original stock of imported negroes, gled. It is reckoned that one-twelfth of the but the vast majority have been born in slaves of America are mulattoes, while one |