whatever church he chooses, and believe what peculiar doctrines may appear to him just and true, but in our lodges, he must be an Odd-Fellow, and a brother, nothing more or less.

The conclusion at which we arrive then, is this: In the ordinary and strict sense of the term, our Order is not a religious society. At the same time, it would be grossly improper to call it an irreligious institution, because it recognizes the first principles of religion and morality, practices some important duties, and forbids all, that is opposed to the duties we owe to God, our neighbors or ourselves. So far then, as it goes in these matters, it may be called religious, but it stops short of what is necessary to make it strictly speaking, a religious society. In fact it never was designed to supply the place now occupied by the religious institutions of the day. They have their mission, and we ours, and though some of our objects are identical, yet there should be no union, or strife between them, except it be the union of mutual charity, and the strife, upon the question, which shall do most to relieve the wants of the poor and distressed.

We have offered the above remarks, partly for the satisfaction of those who really desire to know the position we occupy; and partly to open a way of saying a word, to our readers and correspondents. Our Order is made up of men of various and conflicting opinions and sentiments. Of these opinions they are sometimes tenacious, and in regard to them, many are peculiarly sensitive. To make them matters of dispute and controversy would break the links of friendship, that now bind us together, and to rend us in fragments. For this reason the highest authority of our Order, has strictly prohibited every thing of the kind, and enjoined it upon the officers of her lodges to suppress every improper sentiment, so that it shall not be uttered, lest the feelings of a brother might be wounded. Under these circumstances our duty as the conductors of the "official organ" of our Order, and the authorised exponent of its principles, is plain. Like most other men, we have our own peculiar views of religion, but these must not find a place in our columns. As in duty bound, we shall utter no word, that shall grate upon the ear of a brother of any creed. This is the course that we have marked for ourselves, and our respected correspondents will see the propriety of our exacting the same from them. Our duty will not allow us to insert any article of a sectarian character, and we wish it distinctly understood, that however valuable an article may be, in other respects, a tinge of sectarianism, either in religion or politics, will be regarded as a sufficient cause for its rejection. We have thought proper to make this announcement, that our correspondents may be guarded in their expressions, and careful of encroaching upon grounds strictly forbidden, not only by the spirit, but by the positive laws of our institution.

HOME CORRESPONDENCE.

Massachusetts-Extract of a letter from Brother L. Wyman, Jr. bearing date Woburn, February 2, 1842.

"The progress of our Order in this State is such as to anticipate, even the wishes of its most sanguine friends, scarcely ten months have elapsed since the little spark enkin

dled on a solitary altar has brightened into a steady flame and continues to gather strength and shed its beams far and wide; the "ancient land marks," are again sought out,-the "supporting staff" again planted where the wayfarer had oft in unconsciousness trod,or forgetfulness wandered. The Phenix has raised her life-giving wing, and OddFellowship sheds its benign influence in Old Massachusetts. The banner of Friendship, Love and Truth, again floats aloft, and brothers are daily assembling under its silken folds. The voice of benevolence and charity is heard, eloquent in its very silence,-powerful in its most feeble appeal-it is not heard in tempest, but seen in the rainbow hues of the departing storm cloud, and felt in the sweeter influences of COVENANT affection-of fraternal Love.'

New Jersey-Extract of a letter from Grand Rep. Vn. Sickel, of New Jersey, dated Trenton, February 11, 1842.

"The Order in New Jersey is flourishing, we shall be able next September to tell a different tale about Odd-Fellowship in Jersey.'

District of Columbia-Extract of a Letter-Encampment Representation. "I should readily have availed myself of the generous invitation, contained in the first number of the Covenant, to submit a few observations on the subject of Encampment representation, had I not hoped that some brother more capable than myself of conducting such a discussion would have promptly come forward to the rescue of the Constitution of the Grand Lodge of the United States from an innovation which, I fear, by trenching upon one of its fundamental principles, will prove detrimental to the interests of the Order. But, as I find by a glance at the second number that this hope has not yet been realized, I propose now, without attempting to elaborate an argument embracing the entire merits of the measure, to offer for consideration several of the objections which I entertain against its adoption, and which I think should have some weight in its decision; trusting that this communication may have the effect not only of attracting general attention to the importance of the contemplated change, but of eliciting the views of those who are disposed to regard it in a more favorable aspect than I do.

My first position is, that Encampinents do not require a special representation in the Grand Lodge of the United States. By the constitution of that body it is very properly provided that all its members shall be of the patriarchal Order, and this in itself, in my opinion, ought to afford a sufficient guaranty for the protection of the interests, such as they are, of that branch of Odd-Fellowship. It would be a reflection on any body of men, who were themselves the embodiment, as it were, of a particular class of persons, to suppose that they could either be ignorant of their interests, or, knowing them, be indifferent to their welfare. Hence, however members might be divided on other subjects of legislation, if any question should arise affecting the privileges of Encampments, there is no reason to apprehend that the present representatives would be either derelict in their duty, or discharge it with less promptitude or unanimity, than would such as might be specially appointed, and whose appointment would, of course, release the present members from any responsibility whatever respecting Encampments, inasmuch as they would at once become the representatives of the Grand Lodges only in their respective States, instead of representatives of the Order, as they may now be considered.

My next objection is, that as the patriarchs are already represented as an inseparable constituent part of the main body of the Order, having no important interests distinct from the rest of the brethren in the legislation of the Grand Lodge, they are not entitled to special representation in that body. To grant such a franchise would be, in effect, an official recognition of the existence of some diversity of interest, which would not only have a tendency to mislead nearly the whole fraternity as to a matter of fact, but would in all probability lay the foundation for feelings of rivalry and jealousy hereafter a state of things which it should be the careful duty of the Grand Lodge to avoid, by so shaping its legislation as to unite more closely, if possible, those bonds of union which now bind together the entire institution in such beautiful harmony. To admit every sixth member to be of the patriarchal branch, would certainly be a very liberal estimate in favor of that class of brethren. Can any one present a justifiable reason why one hundred persons possessing this highest degree, should have a voice in the Grand Lodge equal to that of five hundred (and in some cases a thousand) other members? I am sure no substantial reason can be assigned for countenancing such a principle. And if the Grand Lodge

shall finally determine to allow extraordinary privileges to members of one of the higher degrees, is there no danger that similar claims to distinction may not be preferred by members of other degrees to their respective State Lodges? The principle being the same in every respect but one, though many are fully apprised of the impracticability of admitting such a pretension in that case, as well as in this, would it be so easy to convince the great mass of the Order? Do not infringe the constitution in this respect, I beseech you. Under the old regulations, which make it a sine qua non that ALL the members shall be in good standing in the subordinate lodges, the prosperity of the two branches of Odd-Fellowship is so intimately blended, that it is hardly possible for the acts of the supreme head to operate oppressively on the one, without affecting injuriously the other; and even were it otherwise, the proposed remedy would multiply rather than diminish the evil, because, as above intimated, it would divide the Grand Lodge into two classes of representatives.

For all purposes of business, the Grand Lodge of the United States is now sufficiently large. The adoption of the proposed measure must necessarily increase the dimensions of the body, which would impede the despatch of business, as well as render it more difficult to obtain a quorum; and this most probably would lead to another innovation of the constitution, by requiring the presence of a smaller proportion of members for that purpose, which would be an evil to the extent that it would lessen the weight of

their counsels.

It would certainly impair the revenue of the Grand Lodge of the United States without augmenting that of the Grand or Subordinate Encampments. Indeed, the effect of it must be to impoverish all; for it will seduce the Encampments that are now content, and would rather work under the jurisdiction of the Grand Lodge, to form Grand Encampments-a proceeding which, in most of the States, will prove more or less burdensome, as these separate organizations can only be sustained at an increased cost of time and money, to be disbursed in incidental expenses, and in attending meetings, perhaps in a distant county, and now and then sending a representative to Baltimore. For example: there are six Encampments in Virginia, paying a revenue last year of eighty dollars, which, should they be tempted to form a Grand Encampment, would pay but twenty dollars, and spend far more than the difference in defraying the expenses incident to holding a Grand Encampment. So with the District of Columbia, and other States. In many cases, too, in order to obtain charters, the smallest number possible of patriarchal members would be divided into two subordinate bodies, thus jeoparding the healthful existence of both.

One of the consequences of the adoption of the proposed amendment, will display itself in manifest injustice to the small States, whose voice in the Grand Lodge will be neutralized by the votes of Encampments; and these States will be literally driven to the necessity of resorting to every means of organizing Grand Encampments, for the purpose of regaining the shadow, rather than the substance, of a just degree of power; so that, in due season, although the relative representation will stand apparently as it now does, not the least disastrous result of this untried experiment will exhibit itself in an increase of, if not in perpetuating, the evils of the proxy system. This is ground that I desire to approach cautiously and deferentially.-I do not mean to assert here that any one who has ever been commissioned to exercise the important function of proxy has abused the trust committed to his charge. The present prosperity and harmony of the Order may be triumphantly referred to as unquestionable evidence that both discretion and wisdom have heretofore presided over the counsels of the Grand Lodge. But the fathers who have there so long successfully directed the helm, cannot always participate in its deliberations; and therefore it is worthy of serious consideration whether it is prudent at this time so to remodel the constitution as that, under almost any circumstances, a controlling influence in the Grand Lodge of the United States will be continued in a particular section or neighborhood of country. There are many brethren, having the welfare of Odd Fellowship sincerely at heart, who have flattered themselves with the hope of beholding nearly all the States of the American Union present in the Grand Lodge by bona fide representatives. The increase of the Order in strength and resources can alone ensure such a consummation as this, and there is reason to believe it is one which is fast approaching. Shall we, then, at the very moment when representation is likely to become in some degree equalized, adopt a proposition that will again render it necessary for most of the States to keep at least one proxy representative in the Grand Lodge ?For, however prosperous the Order may be, many years must elapse before Grand Encampments located in distant States will be able to incur the expenses of a representative; and thus the evils of the proxy system will not only be continued, but may be so far extended as to secure to this description of representatives the power of regulating the proceedings of the Grand Lodge for many years to come,

In short, view this subject of Encampment representation in whatever light, I can find nothing in it to approve, nor conceive of any just ground on which the pretension can be sustained. I am aware that the maxim, universally acknowledged, that taxation and representation should go together, may be urged with some show of plausibility in favor of such a claim. But such an argument, when applied to the present case, would not bear the test of examination. The patriarchal members pay an additional tax, it is true, but this tax is voluntarily paid as an equivalent for a more extensive knowledge— or, in other words, it is the price of enjoying certain additional privileges peculiar to an elevated branch, the advancement to which, not being at all necessary to secure to members the ordinary benefits of the institution, may be attributed to motives of pleasure, of pride, or of ambition; and therefore may be placed in the same category with what in domestic economy are termed luxuries. Hence I contend that brethren enjoying this immunity have no more right to special privileges out of the circles of the Encampment, or to separate representation in the Grand Lodge of the United States, than have the higher ranks of society a right to exclusive privileges when moving and acting as a portion of the entire body politic, or to special representation in the State or National Councils, because their circumstances enable them to indulge extravagant habits of living, whereby they necessarily incur the payment of a larger proportion of the public taxes than those who, from necessity or choice, are satisfied to live more frugally. For instance, it is a recognised principle of our government that a man, to be eligible for the station of a legislator, must possess the qualifications of residence, property, and talent. The legislature being generally composed of men of such a character, all of them owing allegiance to the State, its honor and interests are deemed to be safe in their hands, and the interests of property-holders are also deemed to be secure, because the law-makers, being themselves of that class, are of course competent judges of the measures best adapted to ensure justice to their fellow-citizens holding the same relation in the community. Now, what would be thought of the wealthy or educated portion of the people, or any other class of persons living under our political institutions, if, after participating in electing members from their own body to represent the entire community in the General or State Government, they were then to set up an additional claim to other special representatives of their own, who were not only to be selected, like the first, from among themselves, but were to be voted for only by themselves, and pledged to represent their exclusive interest? Such a pretension, in this country, in regard to matters having relation to the body politic, could receive countenance noi favor from no quarter whatever. Why, then, should such a proposition meet with any support from an institution like ours, whose government is modelled after the fashion of that of the American States? For, if there is any essential difference, so far as principle is concerned, between the two cases herein imperfectly sketched, my intellect is too obscure to allow me easily to discover it.

But I must here close this letter, which has already greatly exceeded the limits I had at first prescribed for it. I am conscious that I have not done full justice to the subject, but I trust my positions are stated with sufficient precision to render them intelligible. If any of the evils which I apprehend as a consequence of departing from a fundamental principle in our government are unfounded, or any advantage be anticipated that will probably compensate for the risk of encountering them, I shall be happy if some of the advocates of the amendments will take the trouble to enlighten the Order in regard to it; and if this be not done satisfactorily, then I hope the different State Grand Lodges will lose no time in making their sentiments known in relation to this vital question, by forthwith instructing their representatives in the Grand Lodge to oppose its adoption.

Yours, &c.

W. W. M."

South Carolina-Extract of a letter from G. H. W., of Charleston, dated 20th January, 1842.

"According to notice the members of the Order, and transient brethren (of which latter, there were quite a number,) assembled at the Masonic Hall, and under the superintendence of brother Francis Lance as Grand Marshal, and brothers James Jason and Wm. Walter, as Sub. Marshals, proceeded to the First Baptist Church with a fine band of music, in the following order:-South Carolina Lodge, No. 1, Guardians, and Noble Grand and Supporters-V. Grand and Supporters-Secretary with W. and C.Treasurer, with S. S.-Book Keeper, with two scarlet degree supporters-scarlet degree members, and each degree successively. Marion Lodge, No. 2, in same order. How

ard Lodge, No. 3, in same order. Transient Brethren, and next the Grand Lodge of S. Carolina. Each lodge had an extremely appropriate banner. The procession after arriving at the Church, halted, and faced inwards while the Grand Lodge and Marshals passed through, then closed and proceeded into the Church.

An Ode was then sung, composed by a gentleman of this city, next a prayer by the Rev. Dr. Brantley, Pastor of the Church. Oration by Bro. S. A. Hurlbut, Ñ. G. of Howard Lodge, No. 3; and a more chaste oration never (to my knowledge) was listened to by a Charleston audience. Its beauty did not consist in its length, but it combined a fine flow of ideas, with a singularly beautiful manner of expressing them.

"D. G. M. Peter D. Torre, was appointed the orator for the occasion, but owing to a severe attack of palpitation of the heart, he was prevented.

"Bro. H. was then called upon and requested to deliver an oration, only three days prior to the first, and he consented. To use his own expression, “how he honored the draft, you must be the best judge." But it is my opinion, nothing could have been better adapted to the purpose.

"After the oration, another Ode was sung, composed by Bro. S. A. Hurlbut, and after the Ode a Benediction followed. The procession then formed, and returned to the Hall, where the Grand Lodge was opened, and resolutions were passed complimentory to the Orator, the Pastor of the Church, the corporation of the Church for the use of it, and the committee of arrangements; the brothers then separated.

"The weather for a week before, and two or three weeks after the celebration, was extremely unfavorable, and on that account probably over 100 thinking that the procession would be postponed neglected to provide regalia. A larger number were also in the country spending the holydays. The day itself, was delightfully clear, and it seemed that Providence was smiling on our efforts. The number out was 211, such a respectable body has never yet been brought together, and in this assertion I am sustained by every man in the city, who saw the procession. The most prejudiced acknowledge that nothing has excelled it, and of those who heard the oration, several have been made converts to the beautiful principles which it proclaimed.

"On the Wednesday after the 1st January, 23 were proposed in S. Carolina Lodge, and on the 12th 27 names were added to the list of applicants. In Marion Lodge, No. 2, 12 were proposed on the 1st Friday, and 15 on the 2nd Friday, to be enrolled under the wide spread standard of the Order-rich and poor, great and small, are alike anxious to be among us, and the question now asked is not "who is an Odd-Fellow, but, who is not an Odd-Fellow?" Jefferson Lodge, No. 4, offspring of Lodge No. 2, has just started for a place, among the lodges, and 7 names were proposed as candidates at their first meeting. Her members are many of them, "tried men and true," and I have not the least doubt but that she will occupy a prominent place among us. South Carolina Lodge 13 walking up the hill at a rapid pace, Marion Lodge is brushing No. 1, very hard, and Jefferson Lodge, No. 4, has just shaken herself and has started off at a pace that astonishes even her most sanguine friends.

"Among my wishes is, the desire that you could have seen the procession, for I know it would have pleased you much."

Tennessee-Extract of a letter from Wilkins F. Tannehill, of Nashville, dated January 29, 1842.

"Dear sir and brother-Our Order here is advancing with rapid strides, and enrolling under its banner many of our most worthy and valuable citizens. We have two lodges, numbering together near 200 members. There is a lodge at Columbia, composed of about 35 members, since its organization in last October. Application will soon be made for a lodge at Spring Hill, in Maury county. Our march is" onward-still onward"-the banner of " Friendship, Love and Truth," is floating in beauty and grandeur over our people, and shewing forth the glorious principles of Odd-Fellowship.

The "Covenant" is looked upon by the Order as a very valuable work, and I hope soon to send you some additional subscribers."

Grand Lodge of Maryland.-It is with great pleasure that we record the subjoined resolutions adopted at a recent session of this ever to be commended department of our Order. The city of Baltimore by reason of its