situation of it, if I had not been here, and resided here some time. I never could have conceived such an union of all parliamentary factions against us, which is a demonstration of the unpopularity of our cause. If the States do not make haste to confine their exports to their own ships, and lay on duties upon British merchandize, which shall give a decided advantage to our own manufactures, and those of Germany, France and other nations, it will be to no purpose to continue a Minister here, and I am sure I shall wish myself any where else rather than here. These are remedies which Congress and the States can apply; I should hope they will not proceed farther at present, but if these are found insufficient, I hope they will think of proceeding farther in commercial treaties with other nations, and reserve the resource of further alliances as a last resort.

The draughts already made, and the negotiations in Barbary, will exhaust your little fund in Amsterdam, and before next March all your servants in Europe must return home for want of means even of subsistence unless something is done; our countrymen should not expect that miracles will be wrought for their relief, if their affairs are not conducted with wisdom and activity they will reap, most certainly, the fruits of folly and supineness.

Before I conclude I will mention one more extravagance that I know is lurking in some hearts here. They would willingly embarrass Mr. Pitt in any rational plan of agreement with me, and cheerfully precipitate him into war with the United States if they could, well knowing that it would be his ruin. They think, and I can add, they say, "that Canada and Nova Scotia must VOL. IV.-48

soon be ours.

There must be a war for it. They

know how it will end, but the sooner the better. This done, we shall be forever at peace; till then, never." But these people do not consider that this will involve us in unchangeable connexions with France, and prove the final ruin of this country.

The stocks have lately risen to sixty-five and sixtysix. Whether this is owing to ministerial tricks, or the real affluence of money, it will raise the fund of pride and vanity in the nation in a much greater proportion, and make it more difficult for the Minister to do what even he may think right with America. I must conclude by repeating that my only hopes are in the virtue, resolution and unanimity of my fellow-citizens.

With great respect, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

FROM JOHN ADAMS TO JOHN JAY.

Grosvenor Square, Westminster, October 25, 1785.

Dear Sir,

The crown of great Britain has sometimes pledged its prerogative to relax the navigation act, but the Parliament and nation would not admit of it. By the fifteenth article of the definitive treaty between Great Britain and Portugal, signed at Lisbon the 16th May, 1703, The personal privileges and freedom of trade which the subjects of Great Britain and the States of the United Provinces, at present enjoy in Portugal, the Portuguese shall, in their turn, enjoy in the dominions of Great Britain and the States of the United

Provinces." This you see was a stipulation directly against the navigation act. But although the prerogative of the crown in foreign negotiations is acknowledged to be sovereign, yet the English contend that it is not sufficient to set aside an act of Parliament, and, therefore, this article has never been complied with, and the Portuguese complain of it to this day as a breach of faith.

Sensible of this difficulty, the minister, I presume, will not venture upon any treaty with us, without either previously taking the sense of Parliament, or making the treaty subject to its subsequent approbation; either of which measures will open a boundless field of argument and obloquy. You will not wonder that he dreads it. He cannot, however, avoid it. The American intercourse act expires on the 5th of April, 1786, and the Newfoundland act expires on the 25th of March, 1786; and the bare revisal of these statutes will necessarily bring on a discussion.

The Newfoundland act is considered here, by some, as a mere machine to try an experiment; to feel the pulse of the house, and to discover what sentiments were entertained, and what principles would be declared by the various branches of opposition; and it is curious to observe the presence of mind of the with which they evaded the snare. ly that they were determined not to so young an officer.

leaders, and the art They showed plainbe out-generaled by

On the 2nd of February, 1785, Mr. Pitt moved in a committee of the whole house, that leave be given to bring in a bill for confining, for a time to be limited, the trade between the ports of the United States of America,

and his Majesty's subjects in the island of Newfoundland, to bread, flour and live stock, to be imported in none but British built ships, actually belonging to British subjects.

Mr. Eden, one of the coalition men, seems not to have been aware of the design, and declared, at once, sentiments which probably Mr. Pitt wished the whole opposition to avow. He wished that trade might not suffer by the several restrictions intended by this measure. Confining that whole trade to British bottoms would narrow it much more than most people would imagine. It would divert it into other channels, and ultimately annihilate our colonies in that part of the world. He had always found, that to encourage commerce, you must treat it with liberality. The proposed bill threatened a very different effect; and, therefore, he had thrown out these hints before the business had assumed any shape more formal, in order that those concerned in the construction of the bill might be on their guard."

Mr. Jenkinson, whose opinion probably had influenced Mr. Pitt to move for so illiberal a bill, was apprehensive that our navy would ultimately suffer, unless every possible attention were paid to the protection, extension and encouragement of our shipping. This appeared to him an object of infinite consequence, and demanded the consideration and sanction of the legislature; he should, therefore, insist that in the framing of this bill, the greatest care should be taken, that all our commerce in that quarter should be carried on in British bottoms only.

On the 4th of February, Mr. Eden was for moving to discharge the order for bringing in the bill; Mr. Jenkinson complained that he had been misrepresented, that he meant to say that there was not, and never had

been, any law to prevent ships coming from the British colonies to trade in any part of the globe, the East Indies only excepted by the charter of the company.

Mr. Baring said, it was at his instigation that the "privy council had been induced to introduce it into Parliament; Newfoundland had suffered severely last year by the want of provisions, because the Governor doubted whether he could suffer the direct importation of necessaries from America even in British bottoms. That the settlement would continue to suffer many hardships, if Parliament should determine that they must receive their supplies from Britain only.

On the 7th of February the bill was presented, Mr. Eden seems by this time to have been put upon his guard, he makes a long and confused declaration, seems very anxious, but gives no opinion clearly upon any principle; yet one may trace, I think, several; one is, that his chief claim was for Canada and Nova Scotia, the ships built or owned in these colonies, being struck at and excluded by the bill, as much as those of the United States. 2. He seems averse to the permission, even of bread, flour and live stock, to be imported into Newfoundland from the United States, at all. 3. He thinks this bill will be a precedent for the future introduction of other bills, relative to Canada, Nova Scotia and the West India Islands, and for excluding all their ships from certain privileges now enjoyed by them in virtue of the navigation acts, and for the importation into them of some articles of the produce of the United States. 4. He thinks it imprudent to agitate the measure at this time, because there were five treaties of commerce pending, one with America, another with