done to a perfon at that time of high ftation in the law, who (I mention it to his honour) advifed the duke, when he was confulted upon it, not to accept of fuch a commiffion. By thefe and many other inftances, which time will bring to light, it may perhaps appear not very unaccountable to pofterity, why this great man was difmiffed at laft; but rather why he was difmiffed no fooner. But this is entering into a wide field. I fhall therefore leave pofterity to the information of better hiftorians than the author of The Crifis, or myself; and go on to inform the present age in fome facts, which this great orator and politician thinks fit to mifrepresent with the utmoft degree either of natural or wilful ignorance. He afferts, that in the duke of Ormond's campaign, after a fufpenfion of arms between Great Britain and France proclaimed at the head of the armies, the british troops, in the midst of the enemy's garrifons, withdrew themselves from their confederates. The fact is directly otherwife; for the british troops were moft infamoufly deferted by the confederates, after all that could be urged by the duke of Ormond and the earl of Stafford to prefs the confederate generals not to forfake them. The duke was directed to avoid engaging in any action, until he had further orders, because an account of the king of Spain's renunciation was every day expected, This the Imperialists and Dutch knew well enough; and therefore propofed to the duke, in that very juncture, to engage the French, for no other reafon but to render defperate all the QUEEN's mea fures fures towards a peace. Was not the certain poffeffion of Dunkirk of equal advantage to the uncertainty of a battle? A whole campaign under the duke of Marlborough, with fuch an acquifition, although at the cost of many thousand lives, and feveral millions of money, would have been thought very gloriously ended. Neither, after all, was it a new thing, either in the British general or the Dutch deputies, to refuse fighting, when they did not approve it. When the duke of Marlborough was going to invest Bouchain, the deputies of the states pressed him in vain to engage the enemy; and one of them was fo far difcontented upon his grace's refufal, that he presently became a partizan of the peace; yet I do not remember any clamour then raised here against the duke upon that account. Again: When the French invaded Doway, after the confederates had deferted the duke of Ormond, prince Eugene was violently bent upon a battle, and faid they should never have another so good an opportunity; but monfieur, a private deputy, rofe up, and oppofed it fo far, that the prince was forced to defift. Was it then more criminal in the duke of Ormond to refufe fighting by exprefs command of the QUEEN, and in order to get poffeffion of Dunkirk, than for the duke of Marlborough to give the fame refufal, without any fuch orders, or any fuch advantage? or fhall a Dutch deputy affume more power than the the QUEEN of Great Britain's general, acting by the immediate commands of his fovereign? The emperor and the empire (fays Mr. Steele by way of admiration) continue the war! Is his imperial majesty able to continue it or no? if he be, then Great Britain hath been ftrangely used for ten years paft: then how came it to pafs, that of above thirty thousand men in his fervice in Italy, at the time of the battle of Turin, there were not above four thoufand paid by himself? if he be not able to continue it, why does he go on? The reafons are clear; because the war only affects the princes of the empire (whom he is willing enough to expose) but not his own dominions. Befides, the imperial minifters are in daily expectation of the QUEEN'S death, which, they hope, will give a new turn to affairs, and rekindle the war in Europe upon the old foot; and we know how the minifters of that court publicly affign it for a reason of their obstinacy against peace, that they hope for a fudden revolution in England. In the mean time, this appearance of the emperor's being forfaken by his ally will ferve to increase the clamour, both here and in Holland, against her majesty and those she employs. Mr. Steele fays, there can be no crime in affirming (if it be truth) that the house of Bourbon is at this juncture become more formidable, and bids fairer for an univerfal monarchy, and to engross the whole trade of Europe, than it did before the war. , No crime in affirming it, if it be truth. I will for once allow his propofition. But if it be false, then then I affirm, that whoever advanceth fo feditious a falfhood deferves to be hanged. Doth he mean by the house of Bourbon, the two kings of France and Spain? If so, I reject his meaning, which would infinuate, that the interefts and defigns of both thofe princes will be the fame; whereas they are more opposite than thofe of any two other monarchs in Christendom. This is the old foolish flander fo frequently flung upon the peace, and as frequently refuted. Thefe factious undertakers of the prefs write with great advantage; they ftrenuously affirm a thoufand falfhoods without fear, wit, concience, or knowledge; and, we, who answer them, must be at the expence of an argument for each; after which, in the very next pamphlet, we fee the fame affertions produced again, without the least notice of what hath been faid to difprove them. By the house of Bourbon doth he mean only the French king for the time being? If fo, and his affertion be true, then that prince must either deal' with the devil, or elfe the money and blood fpent in our ten years victories against him might as well have continued in the purfes and veins of her majefty's fubjects. But the particular affertions of this author are eafier detected than his general ones; I fhall therefore proceed upon examining the former. For inftance; I defire him to ask the Dutch, who can best inform him, why they delivered up Traerbach to the Imperialifts? for, as to the QUEEN, her majefty was never once confulted with it; whatever his preceptors, preceptors, the politicians of Button's coffee-house, have informed him to the contrary. may Mr. Steele affirms, that the French have begun the demolition of Dunkirk contemptuously and arbitarily their own way. The governor of the town, and thofe gentlemen entrusted with the infpection of this work, do affure me, that the fact is altogether otherwife; that the method prefcribed by thofe whom her majefty employs, hath been exactly followed, and that the works are already demolished. I will venture to tell him further, that the demolition was fo long deferred in order to remove thofe difficulties, which the barrier treaty hath put us under; and the event hath fhewn, that it was prudent to proceed no fafter, until thofe difficulties were got over. The mole and harbour could not be deftroyed, until the fhips were got out; which, by reafon of fome profound fecrets of state, did not happen until the other day. Who gave him thofe juft fufpicions, that the mole and harbour will never be deftroyed? what is it he would now infinuate? that the miniftry is bribed to leave the most important part of the work undone; or that the pretender is to invade us from thence; or that the QUEEN hath entered into a confpiracy with her fervants to prevent the good effects of the peace for no other end, but to lofe the affections of her people, and endanger herself? Inftead of any further information, which I could easily give, but which no honest man can want, I venture to affirm, that the mole and harbour of Dunkirk will, in a short time, be most ef fectually |