charm to acts of sanguinary aggression. Poetry and music were these arts; and both were made to sympathize with scenes of contention,-with the festival of the victor and the groans of the discomfited. In all those ages during which war was the chief business of society, and commerce was little known, the romantic scenery of Ireland echoed to the strains of her bards. Their songs stimulated the warrior to enterprize, and raised enthusiasm in the hall of triumph. In the same halls the bards formed the genealogists of their patrons, and the historians of public events.

The professors of the divine arts of poetry and music were rewarded with honours and emoluments, proportionate to the value of their efforts to elevate the national feeling, and to eternize the exploits of distinguished warriors. The harp of Ireland, which constituted its pride in prosperity, proved the solace of its adverse hours. It often encouraged a spirit of romance in real life, and added to rational regret a vein of lamentation over scenes of visionary bliss, created by its own powers; but it likewise assisted in preserving features of national heroism, admirable in the esteem of the brave and the generous of all countries and ages. Until the seventeenth century, representatives of the ancient bards were still protected and cherished in the mansions of the noble and affluent. Although their order be now extinct, their songs and melodies form subjects of exquisite pleasure, and act as emphatic memorials of the national superiority, at an early period, in those arts which" exalt and enchant the human soul."

IRELAND SUBSEQUENT TO THE ENTRY OF THE ENGLISH.Ireland, in the latter part of the twelfth century, had little cause to apprehend the formidable interference of foreign powers, if its strength had been collectively exercised under one efficient head of government. In regard to the quarter whence such an interference took place, it is evident that Henry II. of England had for some time meditated the union of the two islands beneath his own crown; but it was sufficiently proved, by the events of many succeeding ages, that other objects of policy or ambition,

and the unsettled state of its own affairs, prevented the English government from seriously devoting its powers to the reduction of the Irish princes. On deliberate reflection, the patriot of each land will allow that the junction of the two countries must be conducive to mutual interest, whilst such modes of legislation are adopted as are due to an associated, not a conquered, people.

Ambition alone was sufficient to stimulate Henry to the annexation of Ireland to his crown, in an age when the reputation of a sovereign chiefly arose from his extent of enterprize. Accordingly we find that, shortly after he ascended the throne, Henry II. procured from Pope Adrian a bull, sanctioning him in a project he entertained of adding that island to his dominions.*

The various troubles which accumulated around the head of Henry at an early period of his reign, caused him to delay the prosecution of this purpose; and we cannot, indeed, point to any date of his long, but disturbed, career in which he would have found leisure for such an undertaking. But the perplexed and dangerous form of political constitution in Ireland, so prolific of faction, and decidedly inimical to the growth of public spirit, led to the entry of the English at the request of a native prince.

Dermod Mac Morough, King of Hy Kinselagh, or South Leinster, was vanquished in the storm of faction, and, according to uniform assertion, merited the ill-fortune which he experienced. That he was turbulent, cruel, and treacherous, is shown in many pages of the Irish annals. It is, however, worthy of remark that his tyranny appears to have been chiefly directed towards the ennobled and powerful part of his subjects, in counterbalance of whose influence he protected the commonalty, in an unusual degree. So base is his character, that we are constrained to believe this appearance of tenderness proceeded from policy rather than feeling; and it is mentioned merely with a view of accounting for an unexpected share of popularity which he possessed

This bull is printed in Hibernia Expugnata; Rymer's Fœdera; Lyttelton's History of Henry II.; Leland's Hist. of Ireland; and several other works.

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amongst the subordinate classes, and which is connected with some eventful passages of history. Amongst other acts of rapine and violence, this King of Leinster had seized the wife of O'Ruark, King of Breifne, whom he dishonoured and conveyed in triumph to his own province. It has been insinuated that Dervorghal, the lady in question, indulged in much freedom of deportment, and was not altogether an unwilling victim to the desires of Dermod. History has little interest in her morals or sentiments, for it is certain that this adulterous insult was not the immediate cause of Dermod's expulsion from his kingdom, as has been usually asserted by English writers. It appears that the outrage was committed sixteen years before the English were invited into Ireland; and the animosity of the party which triumphed over the King of Leinster is satisfactorily traced to political causes.

By a combination of enraged enemies, at the head of whom was Roderic, King of Connaught, and titular monarch of Ireland, Dermod was driven from his provincial throne; and, in this extremity, he resolved on the unworthy plan of endeavouring to regain power by means of foreign arms. The situation of his territory naturally directed his attention to England; and, with sixty followers, he landed at the port of Bristol. Henry II. was then in Acquitain, and thither Dermod quickly proceeded. It cannot be doubted but that his solicitation of aid was extremely acceptable to the English King. It at once revived the project Henry had formerly entertained, and flattered him with the hope of easy success over a people thus perniciously divided.

The engagements of the King of England, both foreign and domestic, prevented him from taking a full advantage of this opportunity; but he readily accepted the tender of allegiance which Dermod as freely offered, and gave to him a letter of credence, in which he promised his royal licence and favour to any of his subjects who might be disposed to assist the dethroned Irish prince. After some fruitless applications, Dermod prevailed on Richard, son of Gilbert de Clare, Earl of Chepstow, to promise that he would lead into Ireland a considerable force in the ensuing spring, in reward for which service he was to receive in marriage the

daughter of Dermod, with an assurance of succession to sovereign dignity. The fugitive king also procured the co-operation of several adventurous knights of Wales, under the conduct of Robert Fitz-Stephen and Maurice Fitzgerald. "Such," observes a modern historian, " was the original scheme of an invasion, which in the event proved of so great importance. An odious fugitive, driven from his province by faction and revenge, gains a few adventurers in Wales, whom youthful valour, or distress of fortune, led into Ireland, in hopes of some advantageous settlements."

Returning secretly to Ireland, Dermod lay concealed for some time in a monastery erected by himself at Ferns; and at length appearing in the face of day, not only found several partizans, but was enabled to engage in sanguinary skirmishes with the adverse power. In the month of May, A. D. 1170, a part of the promised succour arrived, under the command of Robert Fitz-Stephen. According to Giraldus these forces consisted of 130 knights, sixty men in armour, and 300 archers, all chosen men of Wales. With this expedition came Hervey de Montmorency, generally called Uncle of Earl Strongbow. On the following day there landed a re-inforcement of ten knights and 200 archers, commanded by Maurice de Prendegast, a native of South Wales. Maurice Fitzgerald debarked shortly after, with ten gentlemen of service, thirty horsemen, and about 100 archers.

These troops, few in number, but well disciplined, immediately

It would appear that the grants made by Dermod to Earl Strongbow merely served as an excuse for the military assumption of property. "By the Hibernian constitution, no prince, chief or nobleman, could demise, or grant, his landed property, without the permission of the states of his nation. No prince could, in any case, make over the sovereignty of his nation, without the concurrence of the state. Nor could any woman, of whatever rank or condition, possess landed property, except in dower, confirmed in the assembly of the states. Nor could any alliance, grant, bargain, or contract, by the Hibernian constitution be binding longer than the joint lives of the contracting parties; for, according to the fundamental maxim of the Brehon laws, Death breaks all chains." Brehon Laws, MS. as extracted by W. Beauford, A. M.

entered on active service, in conjunction with many of the former subjects of Dermod, who crowded to his standard on the appearance of a change in his fortunes. Although not without several arduous contests, the allies succeeded in re-placing a great part of Leinster beneath the power of Dermod, on condition of his acknowledging the supremacy of Roderic, and paying to him such services as were held due from inferior princes to the "monarch of Ireland." In contemplating this success, we must remember that the struggle did not exist between an invading power and the nation at large. It is true that Roderic, the nominal sovereign of the whole country, took the field; but, as it would appear, merely for the purpose of reducing a refractory vassal, who re-assumed power in opposition to his wishes. The interests of the country were so entirely divided by the form of the constitution, that internal wars were still carried on amongst various rival chieftains, to the entire neglect of those British invaders whose interference was supposed merely to apply to that individual province, in the quarrels of which they were first concerned.

Re-instated in Leinster, Dermod soon aspired to the monarchy, in opposition to Roderic, and applied to Earl Strongbow* for the speedy supply of that aid which he had formerly promised. The circumstances of the earl were such as rendered the undertaking desirable in his esteem; his private fortune was in a ruinous condition, and he was neglected by the court. But, in the habitual cautiousness of his temper, he was unwilling to commence so important an enterprize without the express permission of his sovereign. Henry, we are told, discountenanced the design, but did not positively forbid its execution; and the earl determined on profiting by his dubious acquiescence. In the spring of 1171, his preparations were complete; and his confidential friend, Raymond, surnamed Le Gros, first embarked, with ten gentlemen of service, and seventy archers. This small band landed near Waterford, and quickly formed an intrenched camp, in which they

* Richard, Earl of Chepstow, was surnamed Strongbow, on account of his skill and great exploits in archery. Under this appellation he is usually recognised by historical writers.