was next directed to the reduction of Werk, Vento, St Michael, Ruremonde, and other fortresses which commanded important rivers. All these places he speedily reduced under the power of the allies. Boufflers, at the head of the French army, though a general of great experience and skill, seemed confounded at the rapidity with which Marlborough moved forward, and utterly unable to make any stand against him. When he saw that it was useless to attempt to stay the impetuosity of the English and Dutch troops, he retired towards Liege, determined at least to cover that city. But the confederates followed up their successes so rapidly, that he was compelled to draw off with precipitation towards Tongeren, from whence he still further pursued his retreat to Brabant.

The earl of Marlborough soon took possession of Liege, and, in a few days, brought the citadel to a capitulation, where he took possession of 300,000 florins in gold and silver, besides notes for above a million, which, being drawn on merchants in the city, he compelled them to pay. By this unexpected success, the earl raised his military character, and excited the entire confidence of the states-general, who now, instead of trembling in suspense for Nimeguen, as they had done at the beginning of the campaign, saw the enemy driven back by a single blow within his own frontiers.

The French army on the Rhine met with better success than that under the duke of Burgundy. They defeated the imperial general, and took several towns, but these were retaken by the prince of HesseGassel before the end of the campaign. In Italy the imperial army under Prince Eugene was badly sustained, and suffered to languish for want of reinforcements and supplies. The general was obliged to relinquish some of his acquisitions, and provide for his safety the best way he could. While in this situation, the young king of Spain became fired with the ambition of putting an end to this war, and set sail for Naples. From thence he proceeded to Final, where he had an interview with the duke of Savoy, who now began to be alarmed at the prospect of the Milanese being under the power of the king of France. He accordingly forbade the Duke de Vendome to engage Prince Eugene, until he himself should arrive in the camp. The prince, though greatly in want of supplies, was enabled to maintain his post after the king of Spain took the field. Some slight skirmishes took place; but after several ineffectual efforts to compel the prince to retire, Philip, king of Spain, was himself obliged to return home without having effected any thing of importance. Meanwhile the king of France employed all the tricks of cunning and bribery in endeavouring to hamper the moveinents of the allies, and raise up new enemies against them. He bribed wherever he could find an opportunity, and is said to have prevented the succours from being sent to Prince Eugene, by corrupting Count Mansfield, president of the council of war at Vienna. He endeavoured to engage the Turks again in a war with the emperor, but here his design failed. Then he embroiled Poland, by gaining the cardinal-primate to his interest. He prompted the young king of Sweden, who advanced to Lissau, and defeated Augustus.

At this time the combined squadrons made an unsuccessful attack upon Cadiz; but shortly after Sir George Rooke attacked a fleet of the enemy in the harbour of Vigo, having under their protection a num

ber of galleons from the West Indies.

This was a splendid victory, as the forcing of the harbour was a work of great difficulty and bravery. The combined fleet having effected their entrance, and silenced the batteries, destroyed eight ships of war, took ten, and eleven galleons. Fourteen millions of pieces of eight are said to have been lost in six galleons that were destroyed by the enemy, and about half that amount was taken by the English admiral. Soon after the action Sir Cloudesley Shovel, who had been in pursuit of the enemy's fleet, came up. He was left to dismantle the place, and complete the destruction of those vessels which could not be brought away, while Rooke returned with his prizes to England.

The glory of this action was counterbalanced by the disaster which befell another squadron in the West Indies. There Admiral Benbow engaged Du Casse, who commanded a French squadron; and after fighting most bravely in his own ship for sometime, he perceived that he was betrayed by the captains of the other vessels, who left him to engage the whole French squadron alone. Having himself lost a leg, and received several other severe wounds in the action, he was conpelled to beat off with his ship, greatly disabled. When he arrived at Jamaica he granted a commission for trying the captains. Two of them were sentenced to be shot, and one was cashiered and imprisoned. The two that were sentenced were immediately sent home, and shot as soon as they arrived at Plymouth. The French admiral, on his arrival at Carthagena, is said to have sent Admiral Benbow the following note: "Sir, I had little hope on Monday last but to have supped in your cabin, but it pleased God to order it otherwise; I am thankful for it. As

for those cowardly captains who deserted you, hang them up, for by God, they deserve it!"

The affairs of England at home proceeded calmly and prosperously, every body seeming pleased with the present prospects and successes of the war. The queen was popular, and her movements so completely in harmony with the late king's designs, that his warmest friends seemed to be satisfied with the queen's measures. The continuance of the parliament after the king's death was limited, by express statute, to six months. Before the expiration of that period it was dissolved, and writs issued for a new one.

The elections displayed the predominance of the tory interest, and when the parliament met on the 20th of October, Mr Harley was chosen speaker. In the proceedings of this parliament as to the conduct of elections, the basest partiality was shown in screening tory delinquents, and punishing the whigs. The bishop of Worcester and his son were complained of as having endeavoured to prevent the election of Sir John Packington. The commons interfered to address the queen, that the bishop might be removed from his office of lord-almoner. The lords interfered on the other side for the privileges of their house, and implored the queen not to believe any accusation against any of their body until they had been fairly tried before the house. The queen, however, displayed her partiality for the tories, by disregarding the address of the peers, and dismissing the bishop of Worcester from his office.

The house of commons proved sufficiently obsequious to the court, and obedient to the ministry. All the supplies required were readily voted, and a sum of £100,000 to be settled on the queen's husband, in

case he should survive her. One clause in this bill created great contention. It was introduced with the view of exempting the prince, her husband, from that part of the act of succession, by which foreigners, though naturalized, could hold no employment under the crown. The queen manifested grea. anxiety for the passing of this bill; and it was at length accomplished, though not without a protest by twenty-seven lords against that particular part of it which exempted the prince from the operation of the act of succession.

After the close of the "ampaign, the earl of Marlborough came over to England to enjoy the congratulations which awaited him upon his successes, and to concert further measures for the next campaign. Upon his arrival, he was received with flattering attentions by the queen. She created him a duke; gave him a pension of £5000 per annum on the post-office; and in a message to the commons, begged them to settle this on his heirs-male. This created some serious contention, and the queen found it necessary to send a second message, saying that the duke had declined her interposition. This occurrence is believed to have led to the duke's alienation from the tories with whom he had been hitherto connected. But if this helped to increase his displeasure with that party, it was not the sole reason of his withdrawment from this course of policy.

The next measure was a request for the increase of the army, in which the commons readily concurred, but coupled their grant with the condition, that her majesty should herself strictly prohibit, and enjoin upon the states, the necessity of forbidding and preventing all intercourse with France and Spain. It was certain that at this period the remittances for the French army, both in Bavaria and in Italy, were made through Dutch, Genevan, and English merchants. The statesgeneral professed to be shocked at the imperious manner in which the English parliament took upon them to dictate regulations to them; nevertheless they complied with the demand, and passed by the indignity. The commons of this parliament were great partizans of the English church, and they were anxious to do something to signalize their zeal for its security. They knew well the temper of the queen, who was no friend to toleration and liberty of conscience, and being zealously devoted to her wishes, they took up the subject of occasional conformity. The whigs and the dissenters were very much identified, and it appeared that by reviving a little of the old bigotry they could both aim a blow at their ecclesiastical and their political enemies. The accession of Anne had greatly tended to encourage high-church and tory principles, and now persecution began to threaten the dissenters. The pulpits of the established church were occupied in declamations against the sects,-the necessity of uniformity,-the perfection of the church, and the sin of the dissenters. The press also poured forth the most scurrilous attacks upon them, and every means was resorted to which could ruin their characters, or excite popular enmity. Even those of the church of England, who befriended liberty of conscience, and pleaded for charity and moderation, were more violently assailed than the dissenters themselves. They were described as Judases, apostates, betrayers of their brethren, and such like. Mr Bromley, Mr St John, and Mr Annesley, were ordered on the fourth of November to bring in a bill against occasional conformity. In the preamble, all

persecution for conscience' sake was expressly disclaimed; but such disclaimers usually precede its most flagrant violations. This bill enacted that all persons who had taken the sacrament, or a qualification for offices of trust, or for magistracy in corporations, and had afterwards frequented any dissenting meeting-house, should be disabled from holding their employments, pay a fine of £100, and £5 a-day for every day they continue in their employment after having been present at such meeting-house. All such persons were also declared incapable of holding any place, or employment, until one year after their complete conformity to the established church. This infamous bill did not pass without opposition as may be supposed. The most able arguments were maintained for successive days against it, and many mitigating amendments proposed by liberal men who were the friends of the dissenters; but the bill passed without melioration, by a large majority in the house of commons. It was during the discussions upon this bill, that Daniel de Foe, himself a dissenter, published a pamphlet which stung the highchurch party to the quick; because at first they had mistaken it for the work of a friend co-operating in their cause of intolerance, but afterwards they found out that it was a most keen and bitter satire upon their principles. The pamphlet was entitled, The Shortest way with the Dissenters, or proposals for the Establishment of the Church.' When the true bearing of the work was discovered, the house ordered it to be burnt by the common hangman, and the author committed to Newgate. The proceedings of the parliament against the unfortunate man were most disgraceful. He was tried and condemned to pay a fine of £200, and stand in the pillory. After having discussed the principle and provisions of this bill at great length in both houses, the parliament could not agree to pass it. The lords sent it back to the commons with such alterations and amendments as induced them to reject it, and it ultimately miscarried. But the debates on both sides were published, and altogether it created more commotion in the country than had been anticipated. A more disgraceful attempt to curb the religious liberties of the people had not been made for a long scason. It evinced, however, the temper of the party, and the inclination of the queen's ministry.

A bill was also brought in for granting another year's space to those who had delayed taking the oath of abjuration against the prince of Wales. The lords made some opposition, and added some amendments to the bill, which created dissension in the commons; but at length the amendments were admitted, and the bill was carried. The object of it was evidently to favour the adherents of the late King James, and to extend the utmost lenity the nation would admit towards the friends of the pretender.

After these questions were settled, attention was called to the public accounts, which seemed to require, and which ultimately received, severe examination. Many of the persons holding the more important public offices were charged with the most gross and flagrant peculation. The earl of Ranelagh, paymaster of the army, was expelled the house for misapplying public money, and in resentment he resigned his offices. An address was presented to the queen attributing the increase of the public debt to the mismanagement of the funds, and alleging that the most iniquitous frauds had been practised by the commissioners of the

prizes. Lord Charles Halifax, auditor of the exchequer, was implicated in a charge of neglecting his duty, and violating the public trust reposed in him. The queen was petitioned to give the attorney-general orders to prosecute him. She promised to comply. The lords appointed a committee to examine all the charges brought forward by the commissioners of accounts, who acquitted all the persons accused by the commons. They made the queen acquainted with their proceedings in an address, which was printed, together with vouchers for all the particulars of their statement. This difference of opinion as to the state of the public accounts, created the most fierce and bitter animosity between the two houses. The queen interposed, but still the discussion continued with great violence, till both parties despairing of any agreement, published their proceedings respectively, and then this business was suffered to rest.

Soon after these severe contentions the queen prorogued the parliament, after having assented to the several bills that had been passed. Its prorogation was accompanied with assurances of protection to the established church, and with a request that when they met again they would take measures for the suppression of scandalous pamphlets and other libellous publications. She also promised to devote her share of all prizes captured during the war to the public service. The earl of Rochester, who had now become odious to the court, was entirely removed from the councils of the queen. He could not brook the predominating influence of the duke of Marlborough, and, though made governor of Ireland, he chose rather to retire altogether from office than submit to the rivalry and undoubted superiority of that nobleman. The office he resigned was therefore conferred on the duke of Ormond, a commander who had acquired great fame and popularity by the suc cess of his expedition against the fleet at Vigo.

The queen perceived, however, that her influence over the lords was scarcely secure, and that the temper of that house was rather too independent and liberal. She wished to be certain of a majority pledged to her interest, and to the measures of her ministers. She therefore proceeded to select four members of the commons who had manifested most zeal and violence in their speeches, and these she created peers. At this period it was resolved again to summon the convocation together with the parliament. But this ecclesiastical parliament bearing a strong affinity in its upper and lower house to the national one, could not be readily brought to an agreement. Questions of right and superiority, with many other wholly unimportant matters, occupied all their attention. The lower house kept appealing to the queen, and the upper asserted their right of superiority, and seemed determined to carry it by their own authority over the lower. They were altogether divided into two violent factions, which took part with the respective parties in the nation. The low-churchmen were the advocates of the revolution principle, and recommended moderation towards the dissenters. The tory, or high-church party in the convocation, were for carrying the rights of episcopacy and uniformity to a violent extreme. But these felt themselves the stronger party, as they knew well enough that they possessed the favour of their sovereign. They openly contemned the right of parliament to control them; ridiculed King William's memory, and talked of setting at nought the act which had been passed for limiting