period, however small the corner of earth described by a historian, he must observe and examine with the utmost attention, not only rulers, courts, and armies, but finances, commerce, manufactures, and literature; he must explore the causes and mark the results of every event, and, from this investigation, must ascend to the discovery of those universal and permanent causes, which, in every country, and in every age, have governed the destinies of mankind. It is indisputable that, from the accurate observation of universal and permanent causes, we come at the knowledge of those fixed laws to which all nations are, by nature, subject; and that, in proportion as theory and practice are accommodated to natural laws, systems of government and political constitutions become more stable and more beneficial. To this great end, historical works of genius, from the middle of the last century up to the present time, seem invariably to tend. Unfortunately, some sit down to their task after they have adopted the passions and the interests of a party, and, unconsciously, accommodate their narrative to their prejudices. Others hold some general principle as infallible and eternal, and resort to every expedient to connect facts so as to produce a concatenated system, the first link of which hangs upon their favorite principle. With historians of this stamp, facts are true or false, not in proportion to the weight or the credibility of the testimony on which they rest, but to the ease with which they can be made to fit their system; and when they are found unaccommodating, all historical evidence of them is regarded as suspicious, and inexorably excluded.

Some disadvantages, therefore, are attendant on the advantages of our manner of writing history. But, if we could, we ought not to change it, or try to return to the manner of the ancients, who unite inexplicable defects to their inimitable excellencies. They are totally silent on subjects of agriculture, commerce, and finance; as if the influence of these on the political constitution or on the well-being of nations, was but slight. Indeed, since Bayle, Montesquieu, and Voltaire, who, while they were carried along by the current of their added to its force, introduced this mode of considering and of treating history, whatever changes our posterity may make, we must follow in their track. The excess to which Raynal (in his historical work on the two Indies) and Gibbon carried philosophizing and dissertation in history, seems now to be moderated.

age,

The volcano of the revolution, which was ready to burst over the whole of Europe, had long given indications of its approaching eruption, and had inflamed all minds, especially those of men of genius. The style of history, consequently, became more grave and earnest: but that discordancy of

theories and of political events, which fomented wars between nations, insinuated itself into the thoughts and opinions of many writers; nor does it appear that the experience of the revolution has taught them that the historian is, above all men, bound to shun extremes.

If any means of avoiding these exist, they must lie in the use of authenticated facts, caution in all the details, accuracy in the dates, and consequent evidence for causes and effects, and for their order of concatenation.

And since neither the talents nor the life of one man are sufficient to collect and prepare these materials, which are the only true and useful bases of history, the great antiquarians of every nation, who spend their lives in this preliminary and indispensible labour, deserve to be attentively consulted, not only by the writers, but the readers of history. The very coldness and inelegance of their style, and the scrupulous discussion of details and dates, which make them so fatiguing to read, render them peculiarly useful, since they shew us, by contrast, in what way, and to what extent, the imagination of a historian of genius, his eloquence, or the philosophical theories he has imbibed from his age, may have led him to alter facts, or to pervert them to a different tendency from their real one. The patience and calmness, and even the apparent apathy, of compilers of ponderous books of reference, may act as a curb on the imagination of those who have recourse to them; and, by establishing every principle and every deduction solely on the truth of facts neither extenuated nor exaggerated, may invest history with the character, not of a political partisan, but of a judge.

ART. VII.-The Life of General Monck, Duke of Albemarle, &c. with Remarks upon his Actions. By Tho. Gumble, D.D. one of his Grace's Chaplains. London: Printed by J. S. for Tho. Barret, at the George, near Clifford's Inn, in Fleet Street. 1671.

The following is the sequel of the Life of Monk, down to the period of the Restoration. The preceding portion, the reader will perhaps recollect, was given in our last number.

I am now to relate the measures of the General, and his great acts in the accomplishment of his majesty's most glorious Restoration.

Some time before he put himself in motion and set his face to the South, he had established a correspondence with divers persons in London; and, by this means, had very good intelli

gence of all the proceedings of the pretended powers then in being. And as the several persons who corresponded with him were unknown one to another, and could not therefore conspire to deceive him, he was the more secure when their informations agreed.

He next concerned himself well to understand the affections of his officers, of whom by his instruments he sounded such as were known to be remote from the hypocrisy and fanaticism of the times; and found in many of them a generous spirit and as much zeal for the work as could be desired. Of such as had been displaced and desired to preserve their commissions, he was most sure; for seldom do men of parts mistake their interests; and poverty disposes us to virtue, though it is but a small degree thereof that is built upon necessity. Three months, however, did he allow to pass over, before he made public his declaration. Meanwhile he busied himself in examining the packets, which arrived from London six times a week; and upon these, to be the more private, did he often spend whole nights. This he did, to obtain a more perfect view of the state of affairs, and a more certain knowledge of the persons in whom he should confide.

At length, on the 17th of October, 1659, the day on which he had intelligence of the parliament's having been forced by Lambert and Fleetwood, he laid the plan of his intended operations; and to the end that they might have no jealousy of his motions, he gave special orders that no packets be allowed to pass into England. Next day he moved with his guards from Dalkeith to Edinburgh, where was quartered his own regiment of foot; and where he seizes upon and secures all the officers who, he knew, would be dissatisfied with his proceedings. The rest of his forces he draws into the field, and declares before them his resolution to adhere to the civil authority, and not to follow the English army in their mad counsels and fanatical courses. They received it with great joy, as did also the whole Scottish nation, which latter hoped it might be the means of breaking the yoke that had been laid upon their necks. Berwick, where most of the officers were anabaptists, he next secures by sending thither a troop of horse, which arrived the night before Colonel Cobbet, sent on the part of the English army, got thither. The dissentient officers and Colonel Cobbet were conveyed into Scotland, and lodged in the Castle of Edinburgh. Same day he sends expresses, inviting several officers-commanders in fortified places, or heads of regiments-to meet him at Edinburgh; whom he secures by the way, and finding them averse to his designs detains in custody, and their commands disposes of to others.

October 20th., the general takes possession of the garrison.

of Leith, and holds a general council of officers, who approve of his measures against the insolence of the English army, and engage to adhere faithfully to him in the prosecution of them. Before, however, going the length of shedding the blood of their old friends, some of them did desire an admonition might be sent to the English officers; and though, by the wise and honester part, this motion was secretly condemned, as sounding an alarm before matters were ripe, yet was it agreed that, to shew all proper tenderness, letters of admonition should be forthwith despatched. Same time, moreover, they write to the Speaker, to know from authority whether the House had not been forced; to Lambert and Fleetwood, to apprize them of the intelligence that had been received in Scotland, and announce the resolution of the Scotch army to uphold the civil authority; and to the army in Ireland, as well as to many individuals and garrisons in England, to invite them to a concurrence with the general's views. The answers to these invitations were not favourablecould not see what end the General proposed-did not think the offence of their brethren in England needed so sharp a remedy-craved leave, therefore, to object and propose a pacific way of settling the differences existing.

The General did not despond. He published several papers on the nature and object of the controversy now on foot, which were no small comfort to his own troops, and reduced his adversaries to many shifts and evasions in their answers. Their letters of expostulation they took care to send by the hand of cunning and popular men, who were instructed to try the fidelity of the General's officers. Of this sort of vermin came many both from England and Ireland.

A considerable fleet was riding in the Downs at this period. To them, the General writes an account of his proceedings; trusting that his name is not altogether forgotten among the brave souls with whom he had formerly fought and conquered; but the fleets being then under the command of persons ill-affected to the cause he had espoused, his letters meet with a cold reception. But when the weather changed, and it began to clear up in the North, they had then the Northstar to guide them, and could tack to their advantage.

By these refusals of aid and countenance, on behalf of the Irish army-garrisons in England and the fleet, was the insolence of the officers whom the general had displaced, and who had liberty given them to wind up their accounts, mightily increased. To their side they drew over many officers still in command, who began to compare the present advantages of security and payment of arrears upon laying down their commissions, with the probable dangers of an enterprize, to which

all around appeared hostile. These, however, did the General give to understand that he must distinguish between officers whom he had himself displaced, and whose demands he would therefore satisfy, and those who voluntarily laid down their commissions; he could not pretend to furnish them with the money wanting to pay his own troops; they might seek their arrears of those to whom they were going; and thus gets he rid of about one hundred and forty ill-disposed officers, and introduces sure and faithful men in their room.

To keep two doors open into England, the General had secured Berwick, and now he despatches Captain Deane with his troop to secure Carlisle; but the honest captain, instead of getting the garrison, had like to have lost himself; for the governor held him in treaty till he had seduced his whole troop, who forsook their captain and entered the town.

Notwithstanding the general kept his face steadfastly set towards England, he was resolved to have an eye also behind him to watch over Scotland; in order that they of the English army might have no cause to complain, that he had given up the country which had been entrusted to his keeping. As so many chains to keep the loyal Scots in slavery, there had been built, under the usurpation, at a charge of above £300,000, four citadels at Leith, Ayr, St.Johnston's, and Inverness; fortifications so regular, as perhaps all Europe could not shew better. In these, and in Sterling, Dumbarton, and Edinburgh Castles, he resolved to leave four of the ten regiments of foot then in Scotland, and to march southward with the remaining six.

About this time, October the 24th, the messenger sent from the general council of officers arrives in London, with the letters before spoken of to the Speaker, Fleetwood, and Lambert, which had been printed at Edinburgh; and with a "declaration to the gathered churches," which he was desired to print in London, that it might not incense the "presbytery of Scotland, who would have been offended thereat." Of this declaration to the gathered churches the purport was, "that they should be assured of their liberties, both civil and spiritual;" a declaration judged necessary, inasmuch as there were many officers, both of the English and Scottish armies, that were members of those churches; for, in those times, "good honest men of parishes" were scarcely capable of employment; and this assurance of the free enjoyment of their principles, by shewing that the war was intended not against creeds and doctrines, but against the ambition of the greatEnglish officers, did not a little conduce to the success of the whole affair.

At these letters and papers, was the pretended authority then existing under the name and title of a Committee of Safety, strangely amazed; for they could not dream of such a