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terials for conversation. The House at Uxbridge, in this crisis. The volunteers were i resistible, where the treaty was held during Charles the Firsi's while they asked only for their country what time; the beautiful and undulating grounds of Bulall the world saw she was entitled to: But sirode, formerly the residence of Chancellor Jeffe. ries; and Waller's tomb in Beconstieid church. they became impotent the moment they deyard, which, before we went home, we visited, and manded more. They were deserted, at that whose character, as a gentleman, a poet, and an moment, by all the talent and the respect. orator, he shortly delineated, bui with exquisite ability which had given them, for a time, the felicity of genius, altogether gave an uncommon absolute dominion of the country. The coninterest to his eloquence; and, although one-and- cession of their just rights operated like a twenty years have now passed since that day, I re. tain the most vivid and pleasing recollection of it. talisman in separating the patriotic from the He reviewed the characiers of many statesmen.- factious: And when the latter afterwards atLord Bath’s. whom, I think, he personally knew, tempted to invade the lofty regions of legitiand that of Sir Robert Walpole, which he pour mate government, they were smitten with intrayed in nearly the same words which he used stantaneous discord and confusion, and speed. with regard to that eminent man, in his appeal from the Old Whigs to the New. He talked much of ily dispersed and annihilated from the face of The great Lord Chatham; and, amidst a variety of the land. These events are big with instrucparticulars concerning him and his family, siated, tion to the times that have come after; and inat his sister, Mrs. Anne Pirt, used often, in her read an impressive lesson to those who have altercations with him, to say, “That he knew now to deal with discontents and conventions nothing whatever except Spenser's Fairy Queen.? in the same country. * And,' continued Mr. Burke, ‘no matter how that was said ; but whoever relishes, and reads Spenser
But if it be certain that the salvation of Ireas he ought to be read, will have a strong hold of land was then owing to the mild, liberal, and the English language.' These were his exact enlightened councils of the Rockingham adwords. "Of Mrs. Anne Pitt he said, that she had ministration as a body, it is delightful to see, the most agreeable and uncommon talents, and was, in some of the private letters which Mr. Hardy beyond all comparison, the most perfectly eloquent has printed in the volume before us, how corpamented that he did shea but on apaperea coheersd
: dially the sentiments professed by this mintion he had once with her; on what subject I forget. istry were adopted by the eminent men who The richness, variety, and solidity of her discourse, presided over its formation. There are letters absolutely astonished him.*
to Lord Charlemont, both from Lord Rocking;
ham himself, and from Mr. Fox, which would Certainly no nation ever obtained such a almost reconcile one to a belief in the possideliverance by such an instrument, and hurt bility of ministerial fairness and sincerity. itself so little by the use of it; and, if the We should like to give the whole of them Irish Revolution of 1782 shows, that power here; but as our limits will not admit of that and intimidation may be lawfully employed we must content ourselves with some extracts to enforce rights which have been refused to from Mr. Fox's first letter after the new min. supplication and reason, it shows also the ex- istry was formed, ---for the tone and style of treme danger of this method of redress, and which, we fear, few precedents have been the necessity there is for resorting to every left in the office of the Secretary of State. precaution in those cases where it has become “My dear Lord,-If I had had occasion to write indispensable. Ireland was now saved from to you a month ago, I should have written with all the horrors of a civil war, only by two cir- great confidence that you would believe me perfectly cumstances ;—the first, that the great military sincere, and would receive any thing that came from force which accomplished the redress of her me with the partiality of an old acquaintance, and
one who acted upon the same political principles. I grievances, had not been originally raised or hope you will now consider me in the same light; organised with any view to such an interfer- but I own I write with much more diffidence, as I ence; and was chiefly guided, therefore, by am much more sure of your kindness to me permen of loyal and moderate characters, who sonally, than of your inclination to listen with fa. had taken up arms for no other purpose but State. The principal business of this letter is to the defence of their country against foreign inform you, that the Duke of Portland is appointed invasion :—The other, that the just and rea- Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, and Colonel Fitzpatrick sonable demands to which these leaders ulti- his secretary; and, when I have said this, I need mately limited their pretensions, were address- not add, that I feel myself, on every private as well ed to a liberal and enlightened administration, success of their administration. That their persons -too just to withhold, when in power, what and characters are not disagreeable to your Lord. they had laboured to procure when in opposi- ship, I may venture to assure myself, without being tion,-and too magnanimous to dread the 100 sanguine ; and I think myself equally certain, effect of conceding, even to armed petitioners, that there are not in the world two men whose what was clearly and indisputably their due general way of thinking upon political subjecis is It was the moderation of their first demands, therefore, too much to desire and hope, that you
more exacıly consonant to your own. It is not, and the generous frankness with which they will at least look upon the administration of such were so promptly granted, that saved Ireland men with rather a more favourable eye, and incline culties, and shat a short adjournment will nut be | readers one or two specimens of his gift of denied, it asked. I do not throw out this as know. drawing characters; in the exercise of which ing from any authority that it will
10 trust them rather more than you could do most * I here omit the long abstract which originally of those who have been their predecessors."followed, of the Irish parliament and public history, “ The particular time of year at which this change from 1750 10 the period of the Union, together wiih happens, is productive of many great inconveniences, all the details of ihe great Volunteer Association in especially as it will be very difficult for the Duke 1780, and its fortunate dissolution in 1782--10 which of Portland to be at Dublin before your Parliament remarcable event the paragraph which now follows meets; but I cannot help hoping that all reasonable in the text refers.
men will concur in removing some of these diffi
be proposed, but he generally rises 10 a sort of quaint and 10 show that I wish to talk with you, and consult brilliant conciseness, and displays a degree with you in the same frank manner in which I of acuteness and fine observation that are not should have done before I was in this situation, so to be found in the other parts of his writing. very new to me. I have been used to think ill of His greatest fault is, that he does not abuse all ihe ministers whom I did know, and to suspect any body, -even where the dignity of history, those whom I did not, that when I am obliged 10 and of virtue, call loudly for such an infliction. call myself a minister, I feel as if I put myself into Yet there is something in the tone of all his a very suspicious character; but I do assure you am the very same man, in all respects, thai I was delineations, that satisfies us that there is nowhen you knew me, and honoured me with some thing worse than extreme good nature at the share in your esteem-that I maintain the same bottom of his forbearance. Of Philip Tisdal, opinions, and act with the same people.
who was Attorney-general when Lord Charle"Pray make my best compliments to Mr. Grattan, and tell him, ihat the Duke of Portland and mont first came into Parliament, he says:Fitzparrick are thoroughly impressed with the im
“ He had an admirable and most superior underportance of his approbation, and will do all they can io deserve it. i do most 'sincerely hope, that he standing; an understanding matured by years—by may hit upon some line that may be drawn honour from his youth-with the bar, with Parliamení,
long experience-by habits with the besi company ably and advantageously for both countries; and with the State. To this strength of intellect was that, when that is done, he will show the world that added a constitutional philosophy, or apathy, which there may be a government in Ireland, of which he never suffered him to be carried away by allach. is not ashamed to make a part. That country can never prosper, where, what should be the ambition and things so clearly; he understood so well the
ment to any pariy, even his own. The saw men of men of honour, is considered as a disgrace."
whole farce and fallacy of life, that it passed beforo pp. 217–219.
him like a scenic representation; and, till almost The following letter from Mr. Burke in the the close of his days, he went through the world end of 1789, will be read with more interest, gravity of feature. His countenance was never gay;
with a constant sunshine of soul, and an inexorable when it is recollected that he published his and his mind was never gloomy. He was an able celebrated Reflections on the French Revolu- speaker, as well at the bar as in the House of Com. tion, but a few months after.
mons, though bis diction was very indifferent. He
did not speak so much at length as many of his parMy dearest Lord, -I think your Lordship has liamentary coadjutors, though he knew the whole acted with your usual zeal and judgment in estab. of the subject much better than they did. He was lishing a Whig club in Dublin. These meetings not only a good speaker in Parliament, but an exprevent the evaporation of principle in individuals, cellent manager of the House of Commons. He and give them joint force, and enliven their exer
never said too much: and he had great merit in Lions by emulation. You see the matter in iis true what he did not say; for Government was never light; and with your usual discernment. Party is committed by him. He plunged into no difficulty ; absolutely necessary at this time. I thought it al
nor did he ever suffer his antagonist to escape from ways so in this country, ever since I have had any one."-pp. 78, 79. thing to do in public business; and I rather fear, that ihere is noi virtue enough in this period to sup
Of Hussey Burgh, afterwards Lord Chief port party, than that party should become necessa: Baron, he observes :ry, on account of the want of virtue to support itself by individual exertions. As to us here, our thoughis “ To those who never heard him, as the fashion of of every thing at home are suspended by our as. this world in eloquence as in all things soon passes ionishment at the wonderful spectacle which is ex. away, it may be no easy matter to convey a just hibited in a neighbouring and rival country: What idea of his style of speaking. It was sustained by spectators, and what actors ! England gazing with great ingenuity, great rapidity of intellect, luminous astonishment at a French struggle for liberiy, and and piercing satire ; in refinement abundant, in sim. not knowing whether to blame, or to applaud. The plicity sterile. The classical allusions of this orator, thing, indeed, though I thought I saw something for he was most truly one, were so apposite, they like it in progress for several years, has still some followed each other in such bright and varied suc. what in it paradoxical and mysterious. The spirit cession, and, at times, spread such an unexpected it is impossible not to admire; but the old Parisian and triumphant blaze around his subject, that all ferocity has broken out in a shocking manner. It
persons who were in the least tinged with litera. is true, that this may be no more than a sudden ex
iure, could never be tired of listening to him; and plosion ; if so, no indication can be taken from it; when in the splendid days of the Volunteer Assobut if it should be character, rather than accident, ciation, alluding to some coercive English laws, then that people are not fit for liberiy—and must and to that institution, then in its proudest array, have a strong hand, like that of their former mas- he said, in the House of Commons, “That such ters. to coerce them. Men must have a certain laws were sown like dragons' teeth, -and sprung fund of natural moderation to qualify them for free. up in armed men,' the applause which followed, dom; else it becomes noxious to themselves, and a and the glow of enthusiasm which he kindled in perfect nuisance to every body else. What will be every mind, far exceed my powers of description." ihe event, it is hard, I think, still to say. To form-pp. 140, 141. a solid constitution, requires wisdom as well as spirit ; and whether the French have wise heads Of Gerard Hamilton, he gives is the fol. among them, or, if they possess such, whether they lowing characteristic anecdotes. have authority equal to their wisdom, is yet to be seen. In the mean time, the progress of this whole
“ The uncommon splendour of his eloquence, affair is one of the most curious matters of specula- which was succeeded by such inflexible taciturnity tion that ever was exhibited."'--pp. 321, 322. in St. Stephen's Chapel, became the subjec!, ay We should now take our leave of Mr. Hardy; The truth is, that all his speeches, whether delivered
might be supposed, of much, and idle speculation. -and yet it would not be fair to dismiss him in London or Dublin, were not only prepared, but from the scene entirely, without giving our studied, with a minuteness and exaciitude, of which
those who are only used to the carelessness of mont, in relation to that parliamentary grant, modern debating, can scarcely form any idea. Lord by which an honour was conferred on an inCharlemont, who had been long and intimately ac. dividual patriot, without place or official situa. quainted with him, previous to his coming to Ire: tion of any kind, and merely for his personal among the many he had heard, of whom he could merits and exertions, which has in other cases say, with certainty, that all his speeches, however been held to be the particular and appropriate long, were written and gol by heart. A gentleman, reward of triumphant generals aud commandwell known to his Lordship and Hamilton, assured When the mild and equable temperahim, that he heard Hamilton repeat, no less than ment of Lord Charlemont's mind is recolthree times, an oration, which he afierwards spoke in the louse of Commons, and which lasted almost lected, as well as the caution with which all three hours. As a debater, therefore, he became his opinions were expressed, we do not know as useless to his political patrons as Addison was to that a wise ambition would wish for a prouder Lord Sunderland; and, if possible, he was more or more honourable testimony than is conscrupulous in composition than even that eminent tained in the following short sentences.
Addison would stop the press to correct the most trivial error in a large publication; and Ham. “Respecting the grant, I know with certainty ilton, as I can assert on indubitable authority, that Graitan, though he felt himself fauered by would recall the footman, if, on recollection, any the intention, looked upon the act with the deepes! word, in his opinion, was misplaced or improper, in concern, and did all in his power to deprecate it. the slightest note to a familiar acquainiance."
As it was found impossible to defeat the design, all
pp. 60, 61. his friends, and I among others, were employed 10 No name is mentioned in these pages with lessen the sum. It was accordingly decreased by higher or more uniform applause, than that one half, and that principally by his positive decla of Henry Grattan. But that distinguished on, he would refuse all but a few hundreds, which person still lives: and Mr. Hardy's delicacy he would retain as an honourable mark of the goodhas prevented him from attempting any de- ness of his counıry. By some, who look only into lineation, either of his character or his elo- themselves for information concerning human naquence. We respect his forbearance, and ture, this conduct will probably be construed into shall follow his example:-Yet we cannot hypocrisy. To such, the excellence and pre-emi.
nency of virtue, and the character of Gratian, are deny ourselves the gratification of extracting as invisible and incomprehensibe, as the brightness one sentence from a letter of Lord Charle- of the sun to a man born blind."--p. 237.
(September, 1818.) An Inquiry whether Crime and Misery are produced or prevented by our present System
of Prison Discipline. Illustrated by Descriptions of the Borough Compter, Tothill Fields Prison, the Jail at St. Albans, the Jail at Guildford, the Jail at Bristol, the Jails at Bury and Ichester, the Maison de Force at Ghent, the Philadelphia Prison, the Penitentiary at Millbank, and the Proceedings of the Ladies' Committee at Newgate. By Thomas FoWELL Buxton. 8vo. p. 171. London : 1818.
There are two classes of subjects which But what we mean is, that they are not its naturally engage the attention of public men, natural occasions, and do not belong to those and divide the interest which society takes in topics, or refer to those principles, in relation their proceedings. The one may, in a wide to which the great Parties of a free country sense, be called Party Politics—the other necessarily arise. One great part of a states. Civil or Domestic Administration. To the man's business may thus be considered as former belong all questions touching political Polemic-and another as Deliberative; his rights and franchises—the principles of the main object in the first being to discomfit and Constitution—the fitness or unfitness of min- expose his opponents—and, in the second, to isters, and the interest and honour of the discover the best means of carrying into effect country, as it may be affected by its conduct ends which all agree to be desirable. and relations to foreign powers, either in peace Judging à priori of the relative importance or war. The latter comprehends most of the or agreeableness of these two occupations, branches of political economy and statistics, we should certainly be apt to think that the and all the ordinary legislation of internal latter was by far the most attractive and compolice and regulation; and, besides the two fortable in itself, as well as the most likely great heads of Trade and Taxation, embraces to be popular with the community. The fact, the improvements of the civil Code—the care however, happens to be otherwise : For such of the Poor—the interests of Education, Re- is the excitement of a public contest for influligion, and Morality—and the protection of ence and power, and so great the prize to be Prisoners, Lunatics, and others who cannot won in those honourable lists, that the highest claim protection for themselves. This dis- talents are all put in requisition for that detinction, we confess, is but coarsely drawn partment, and all their force and splendour ---since every one of the things we have reserved for the struggle: And indeed, when last enumerated may, in certain circumstan-, we consider that the object of this struggle is ces, be made an occasion of party contention. nothing less than to put the whole power of
administration into the hands of the victors, | paign. The in rentors of the steam-engine and thus to enable them not only to engross and the spinning-machine have, beyond all the credit of carrying through all those bene- question, done much more in our own times, ficial arrangements that may be called for by not only to increase the comforts and wealth the voice of the country, but to carry them of their country, but to multiply its resources through in their own way, we ought not per- and enlarge its power, than all the Statesmen haps to wonder, that in the eagerness of this and Warriors who have affected during the pursuit, which is truly that of the means to all same period, to direct its destiny; and yet, ends, some of the ends themselves should, while the incense of public acclamation has when separately presented, appear of inferior been lavished upon the latter-while wealth moment, and excite far less interest or concern. and honours, and hereditary distinctions, have
But, though this apology may be available been heaped upon them in their lives, and in some degree to the actors, it still leaves us monumental glories been devised to perpetuat a loss to account for the corresponding sen- ate the remembrance of their services, the timents that are found in the body of the peo- former have been left undistinguished in the ple, who are but lookers on for the most part crowd of ordinary citizens, and permitted to in this great scene of contention--and can close their days, unvisited by any ray of pubscarcely fail to perceive, one would imagine, lic favour or national gratitude for no other that their immediate interests were often post- reason that can possibly be suggested, than poned to the mere gladiatorship of the parties, that their invaluable services were performed and their actual service neglected, while this without noise or contention, in the studious fierce strife was maintained as to who should privacy of benevolent meditation, and withbe allowed to serve them. In such circum- out any of those tumultuous accompaniments stances, we should naturally expect to find, that excite the imagination, or inflame the that the popular favourites would not be the passions of observant multitudes. leaders of the opposite political parties, but The case, however, is precisely the same those who, without regard to party, came for- with the different classes of those who occupy ward to suggest and promote measures of ad- themselves with public interests. He who mitted utility-and laboured directly to en- thunders in popular assemblies, and consumes large the enjoyments and advantages of the his antagonists in the blaze of his patriotic people, or to alleviate the pressure of their eloquence, or withers them with the flash of necessary sufferings. That it is not so in fact his resistless sarcasm, immediately becomes, and reality, must be ascribed, we think, partly not merely a leader in the senate, but an idol to the sympathy which, in a country like this, in the country at large;—while he who by men of all conditions take in the party feel- his sagacity discovers, by his eloquence recomings of their political favourites, and the sense mends, and by his laborious perseverance ultithey have of the great importance of their mately effects, some great improvement in success, and the general prevalence of their the condition of large classes of the commuprinciples; and partly, no doubt, and in a nity, is rated, by that ungrateful community, greater degree, to that less justifiable but very as a far inferior personage; and obtains, for familiar principle of our nature, by which we his nights and days of successful toil
, a far are leil
, on so many other occasions; to prefer less share even of the cheap reward of popusplendid accomplishments to useful qualities, lar applause than is earned by the other, and to take a much greater interest in those merely in following the impulses of his own perilous and eventful encounters, where the ambitious nature. No man in this country prowess of the champions is almost all that is ever rose to a high political station, or even to be proved by the result, than in those hum- obtained any great personal power and influ. bler labours of love or wisdom, by which the ence in society, merely by originating in Parenjoyments of the whole society are multi- liament measures of internal regulation, or plied or secured.
conducting with judgment and success imThere is a reason, no doubt, for this also-provements, however extensive, that did not and a wise one-as for every other general affect the interests of one or other of the two law to which its great Author has subjected great parties in the state. Mr. Wilberforce our being: But it is not the less true, that it may perhaps be mentioned as an exception ; often operates irregularly, and beyond its and certainly the greatness, the long enduprovince, -as may be seen in the familiar rance, and the difficulty of the struggle, which instance of the excessive and pernicious ad- he at last conducted to so glorious a terminamiration which follows all great achievements tion, have given him a fame and popularity in War, and makes Military fame so danger- which may be compared, in some respects, ously seducing, both to those who give and to with that of a party leader. But even Mr. those who receive it. It is undeniably true, Wilberforce would be at once demolished in as Swift said long ago, that he who made two a contest with the leaders of party; and could blades of grass to grow where one only grew do nothing, out of doors, by his own individua. before, was a greater benefactor to his country exertions; while it is quite manifest, that the than all the heroes and conquerors with whom greatest and most meritorious exertions to ex its annals are emblazed; and yet it would be tend the reign of Justice by the correction of ludicrous to compare the same of the most our civil codemto ameliorate the condition of successful improver in agriculture with that the Poor-to alleviate the sufferings of the of the most inconsiderable soldier who ever Prisoner,-or, finally, to regenerate the minds signalised his courage in an unsuccessful cam- of the whole people by an improved system of Education, will never give a man half the tails of a painful and offensive nature ; and an power or celebrity that may be secured, at indolent sort of optimism, by which we natuany time, by a brilliant speech on a motion rally seek to excuse our want of activity, by of censure, or a flaming harangue on the charitably presuming that things are as well boundlessness of our resources, and the glo- as they can easily be made, and that it is ries of our arms.
inconceivable that any very flagrant abuses It may be conjectured already, that with should be permitted by the worthy and huall due sense of the value of party distinc- mane people who are more immediately contions, and all possible veneration for the talents cerned in their prevention. To this is added which they call most prominently into action, a fear of giving offence to those same worthy we are inclined to think, that this estimate visitors and superintendants—and a still more of public services might be advantageously potent fear of giving offence to his Majesty's corrected; and that the objects which would Government;-for though no administration exclusively occupy our statesmen if they were can really have any interest in the existence all of one mind upon constitutional questions, of such abuses, or can be suspected of wishought more frequently to take precedence of ing to perpetuate them from any love for them the contentions to which those questions give or their authors, yet it is but too true that most rise. We think there is, of late, a tendency long-established administrations have looked to such a change in public opinion. The na- with an evil eye upon the detectors and re. tion, at least, seems at length heartily sick of dressors of all sorts of abuses, however little those heroic vapourings about our efforts for connected with politics or political personsthe salvation of Europe,—which seem to have first, because they feel that their long and ended in the restoration of old abuses abroad, indisturbed continuance is a tacit reproach on and the imposition of new taxes at home; their negligence and inactivity, in not having and about the vigour which was required for made use of their great opportunities to dis. the maintenance of our glorious constitution, cover and correct them secondly, because which has most conspicuously displayed itself all such corrections are innovations upon old in the suspension of its best bulwarks, and the usages and establishments, and practical adorganisation of spy systems and vindictive per- missions of the flagrant imperfection of those secutions, after the worst fashion of arbitrary boasted institutions, towards which it is their governments ;-and seems disposed to re- interest to maintain a blind and indiscriminale quire, at the hands of its representatives, some veneration in the body of the people-and, substantial pledge of their concern for the thirdly, because, if general abuses affecting general welfare, by an active and zealous co- large classes of the community are allowed to operation in the correction of admitted abuses, be exposed and reformed in any one departand the redress of confessed wrongs. ment, the people might get accustomed to look
It is mortifying to the pride of human wis- for the redress of all similar abuses in other dom, to consider how much evil has resulted departments,—and reform would cease to be a from the best and least exceptionable of its word of terror and alarm (as most ministers boasted institutions—and how those establish- think it ought to be) to all loyal subjects. ments that have been most carefully devised These, no doubt, are formidable obstacles; for the repression of guilt, or the relief of mise- and therefore it is, that gross abuses have ry, have become themselves the fruitful and been allowed to subsist so long. But they are pestilent sources both of guilt and misery, in so far from being insurmountable, that we are a frightful and disgusting degree. Laws, with perfectly persuaded that nothing more is neont which society could not exist, become, by cessary to insure the effectual correction, or their very multiplication and refinement, a mitigation at least, of all the evils to which we snare and a burden to those they were intend- have alluded, than to satisfy the public, Isi. ed to protect, and let in upon us the hateful of their existence and extent-and, 2dlv. of and most intolerable plagies, of pettifogging, there being means for their effectual redress chicanery, and legal persecution. Institutions and prevention. Evils that are directly confor the relief and prevention of Poverty have nected with the power of the existing adminthe effect of multiplying it tenfold-hospitals istration-abuses of which they are themfor the cure of Diseases become centres of selves the authors or abettors, or of which they infection. The very Police, which is neces- have the benefit, can only be corrected by sary to make our cities habitable, give birth their removal from office--and are subslarito the odious vermin of informers, thief-catch- tially irremediable, however enormous, while ers, and suborners of treachery; - and our they continue in power. All questions as to Prisous, which are meant chiefly to reform the them, therefore, belong to the department of guilty and secure the suspected, are converted party politics, and fall within the province of into schools of the most atrocious corruption, the polemical statesman. But with regard to and dens of the most inhuman torture. all other plain violations of reason, justice, or
Those evils and abuses, thus arising out of humanity, it is comfortable to think that we intended benefits and remedies, are the last to live in such a stage of society as to make it which the attention of ordinary men is direct impossible that they should be allowed to sub ed--because they arise in such unexpected sist many years, after their mischief and iniquarters, and are apt to be regarded as the quity have been made manifest to the sense unavoidable accompaniments of indispensable of the country at large. Public opinion, which institutions. There is a selfish delicacy which is still potent and formidable even to Ministemakes us at all times averse to enter into de- rial corruption, is omnipotent against all infe