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exact truth of doubtful or contested passages, I had justice on their side, he says, cannot be and the probable motives of insignificant and reasonably doubted,—but seems to think that ambiguous actions. The labour which is something more might have been done, to thus visibly bestowed on the work, often ap- bring matters to an accommodation. With pears, therefore, disproportioned to the im- regard to the execution of the King, he makes portance of the result. The history becomes, the following striking observations, in that in a certain degree, languid and heavy; and tone of fearless integrity and natural mildsomething like a feeling of disappointment ness, which we have already noticed as and impatience is generatel, from the tardi- characteristic of this performance. ness and excessive caution with which the story is carried forward. In those constant violent measure than that of Lord Strafford, is an

"The execution of the King, though a far less attempts, too, to verify the particulars which event of so singular a nature, that we cannot are narrated, a certain tone of debate is fre- wonder that it should have excited more sensation quently assumed, which savours more of the than any other in the annals of England. This exorator than the historian; and though there emplary act of substantial justice, as it has been is nothing florid or rhetorical in the general called by some, of enormous wickedness by others, cast of the diction, yet those argumentative must be considered in two points of view. First,

was it not in itself just and necessary! Secondly, passages are evidently more akin to public

was the example of it likely to be salutary or perspeaking than to written composition. Fre- nicious? In regard to the first of these questions, quent interrogations-short alternative propo- Mr. Hume, noi perhaps intentionally, makes the sitions-and an occasional mixture of familiar best justification of it, by saying, that while Charles images and illustrations, -all denote a certain lived, the projected Republic could never be secure. habit of personal altercation, and of keen and But to justify taking away the life of an individual, animated contention. Instead, therefore, of be, not problematical and remote, but evident and

the principle of self-defence, the danger mus! a work emulating the full and flowing nar- immediate. The danger in this instance was not rative of Livy or Herodotus, we find in Mr. of such a nature ; and the imprisonment, or even Fox's book rather a series of critical remarks banishment of Charles, might have given to the on the narratives of preceding writers, min- republic such a degree of security as any governgled up with occasional details somewhat lessed, however, on the other side, that if the re. more copious and careful than the magnitude publican government had suffered the King to of the subjects seemed to require. The his- escape, it would have been an act of justice and tory, in short, is planned upon too broad a generosity wholly unexampled ; and to have scale, and the narrative too frequently inter- granted him even his life, would have been one cisions. We are aware that these objections is become proverbial ; and though there may be rupted by small controversies and petty inde- among the more rare efforts of virtue. The short may be owing in a good degree to the small- some few examples on the other side, as far as ness of the fragment upon which we are un- life is concerned, I doubt whether a single infortunately obliged to hazard them; and that stance can be found, where liberty has been the proportions which appear gigantic in this granted to a deposed monarch. Among the little relic, might have been no more than there can be little doubt but that adopted by

modes of destroying persons in such a situation, majestic in the finished work; but even after Cromwell and his adherents is the least dis. making allowance for this consideration, we honourable. Edward the Second, Richard the cannot help thinking that the details are too Second, Henry the Sixth, Edward the Fifth, had minute, and the verifications too elaborate. none of them long survived their deposal ; but

The introductory chapter is full of admi- this was the first instance, in our history at least, rable reasonings and just reflections. It be

where, of such an act, it could be truly said, that

it was not done in a corner. gins with noticing, that there are certain

As to the second question, whether the advanperiods in the history of every people, which tage to be derived from the example was such as are obviously big with important consequen- to justify an act of such violence, it appears to me ces, and exercise a visible and decisive in- to be a complete solution of it to observe, that with fluence on the times that come after. The respect to England (and I know not upon what reign of Henry VII. is one of these, with re

ground we are to set examples for other nations,

or, in other words, to take the criminal justice of lation to England ;-another is that comprised the world into our hands), it was wholly needless, between 1588 and 1640;—and the most re- and therefore unjustifiable, to set one for kings, at markable of all, is that which extends from a time when it was intended the office of king the last of these dates, to the death of Charles should be abolished, and consequently that no per II.—the era of constitutional principles and son should be in the situation to make it the rule

Besides, the miseries attendant practical tyranny-of the best laws, and the upon a deposed monarch, seem to be sufficient to most corrupt administration. It is to the re- deter any prince, who thinks of consequences, from view of this period, that the introductory running the risk of being placed in such a situachapter is dedicated.

tion; or if death be the only evil that can deter Mr. Fox approves of the first proceedings him, the fate of former tyranıs deposed by their of the Commons; but censures without re- hope he could avoid even that catastrophe.

subjects, would by no means encourage him 10

As serve the unjustifiable form of the proceed- far as we can judge from the event, the example ings against Lord Strafford, whom he qualifies was certainly not very effectual; since both the with the name of a great delinquent. With sons of Charles, though having their father's fate regard to the causes of the civil war, the most before their eyes, yet feared not to violate the libdifficult question to determine is, whether the erties of the people even more than he had al Parliament made sufficient efforts to avoid

tempted to do.

After all, however, notwithstanding what the bringing affairs to such a decision. That they | more reasonable part of mankind may think upon

this question, it is much to be doubted whether | represented them, as an expedient, admirably in. this singular proceeding has not, as much as any deed adapted to the real object of upholding the other circumstance, served to raise the character present king's power, by the defeat of the exclu. of the English nation in the opinion of Europe in sion, but never likely to take effect for their pregeneral. He who has read, and still more he who tended purpose of controuling that of his successor : has heard in conversation, discussions upon this and supported them for that very reason. But such subject, by foreigners, must have perceived, that, / a principle of conduct was 100 fraudulent to be even in the minds of those who condemn the act, avowed; nor ought il perhaps, in candour, to be the impression made by it has been far more that imputed to the majority of ihe party. To those of respect and admiration, than that of disgust and who acted with good faith, and meant that the rehorror. The truth is, that the guilt of the action, strictions should really take place, and be effectual, that is to say, the taking away the life of the surely it ought to have occurred (and to those who King, is what most men in the place of Cromwell most prized the prerogatives of the crown, it ought and his associates would have incurred. What most sorcibly to have occurred), that, in consenting there is of splendour and of magnanimity in it, I to curtail the powers of the crown, rather than to mean the publicity and solemnity of the act, is alter the succession, they were adopting the greater, what few would be capable of displaying. It is a in order to avoid the lesser evil. The question of, degrading fact to human nature, that even the what are to be the powers of the crown ? is surely sending a way of the Duke of Gloucester was an of superior importance to that of, who shall wear it? instance of generosity almost unexampled in the Those, at least, who consider the royal prerogative history of transactions of this nature."'-pp. 13—17. as vested in the king, not for his own sake, but for Under the Protector, of whom he speaks questions as much above the other in dignity, as

that of his subjects, must consider the one of these with singular candour, the government was the rights of the public are more valuable than those absolute-and, on his death, fell wholly into of an individual.' In this view, the prerogatives of the hands of the army. He speaks with con- the crown are in substance and effect the rights of tempt and severe censure of Monk for the the people: and these rights of the people were not to precipitate and unconditional submission into be sacrificed to the purpose of preserving the succes. which he hurried the country at the Restora- who, on account of his religious persuasion, was

sion to the most favoured prince, much less to one tion; and makes the following candid reflec- justly feared and suspected. In truth, the ques. tion on the subsequent punishment of the tion between the exclusion and restrictions seems regicides.

peculiarly calculated to ascertain the different views

in which the different parties in this country have · With respect to the execution of those who seen, and perhaps ever will see, the prerogatives were accused of having been more immediately con of the crown. The Whigs, who consider them as cerned in the King's death, that of Scrope, who a trust for the people, a doctrine which the Tories had come in upon the proclamation, and of the themselves, when pushed in argument, will somemilitary officers who had attended the trial, was a times admit, naturally think it iheir duty rather to violation of every principle of law and justice. But change the manager of the trust, than to impair the the fate of the others, though highly dishonourable subject of it; while others, who consider them as to Monk, whose whole power had arisen from his the right or property of the king, will as naturally zeal in their service, and the favour and confidence act as they would do in the case of any other propwith which they had rewarded him, and not per. erty, and consent to the loss or annihilation of any haps very creditable to the nation, of which many part of it, for the purpose of preserving the remainhad applauded, more had supported, and almost all der to him, whom they style the rightful owner. had acquiesced in the act, is not certainly to be im. If the people be the sovereign, and the king ihe puted as a crime to the King, or to those of his ad. delegale, it is better to change the bailiff than to visers who were of the Cavalier party: The pas: injure the farm; but if the king be the proprietor, sion of revenge, though properly condemned both it is better the farm should be impaired, nay, pari by philosophy and religion, yet when it is excited of it destroyed, than that the whole should pass by injurious irealment of persons jusıly dear to us,

over to an usurper. The royal prerogative ought, is among the most excusable of human frailties; and according to the Whigs (not in the case of a Popish if Charles, in his general conduct, had shown successor only, but in all cases), to be reduced to stronger feelings of gratitude for services performed such powers as are in their exercise beneficial 10 to his father, his character, in the eyes of many, the people; and of the benefit of these they will not would be rather raised than lowered by this example rashly suffer the people to be deprived, whether of severity against the regicides.”—pp. 22, 23.

the executive power be in the hands of an heredi. The mean and unprincipled submission of tary, or of an elected king; of a regent, or of any Charles to Louis XIV., and the profligate pre other hand, they who consider prerogative with tences upon which he was perpetually solicit- reference only to royalty, will, with equal readiing an increase of his disgraceful stipend, are ness, consent either to the extension or the sus. mentioned with becoming reprobation. The pension of its exercise, as the occasional interests delusion of the Popish plot is noticed at some of the prince may seem to require."--pp. 37–39. length; and some admirable remarks are introduced with reference to the debates on the

Of the reality of any design to assassinale expediency of passing a bill for excluding the the King, by those engaged in what was called Duke of York from the Crown, or of imposing the Rye-House Plot, Mr. Fox appears to en. certain restrictions on him in the event of his tertain considerable doubt, partly on account succession. The following observations are

of the improbability of many of the circum. distinguished for their soundness, as well as stances, and partly on account of the uniform their acuteness; and are applicable, in prin- and resolute denial of Rumbold, the chief of ciple, to every period of our history in which that party, in circumstances when he had no it can be necessary to recur to the true prin- of the condemnation of Russell and Sydney,

conceivable inducement to disguise the truth ciples of the constitution. " It is not easy to conceive upon what principles be felt by all friends to liberty at the recol

he speaks with the indignation which must even the Tories could justify their support of the restrictions. Many among them, no doubt, saw lection of that disgraceful proceeding. The the provisions in the same light in which the Whigs following passage is one of the most eloquent and one of the most characteristic in the whole quis of Halifax, for having given an opinion volume.

in council that the North American Colonies " Upon evidence such as has been stated, was

should be made participant in the benefits of this great and excellent man (Sydney) condemned the English constitution, gives occasion to the to die. Pardon was not to be expected. Mr. following natural reflection. Hume says, that such an interference on the part of the King, though it might have been an act of that, even at this early period, a question relative

"There is something curious in discovering, heroic generosity, could not be regarded as an in. to North American liberty, and even to North dispensable duty. He might have said, with more American taxation, was considered as the test of propriety, that it was idle to expect that the govern principles friendly or adverse, to arbitary power at ment, after having incurred so much guilt in order home. But the truth is, that among the several to obtain the sentence, should, by remitting it, re

controversies which have arisen, there is no other linquish the object just when it is within its grasp: wherein the natural rights of man on the one hand, The same historian considers the jury as highly and the authority of artificial institution on the other, blameable : and so do I; But what was their guilt, in comparison of that of the court who tried, and as applied respectively, by the Whigs and Tories, of the government who prosecuted, in this infamous to the English constiturion, are so fairly put in issue, cause? Yet the jury, being the only party that nor by which the line of separation between the can with any colour be stated as acting independ. two parties is so strongly and distinctly marked.” enily of the government, is the only one mentioned -p. 60. by him as blameable. The prosecutor is wholly The introductory chapter is closed by the omitled in his censure, and so is the court; this following profound and important remarks, last, not from any tenderness for the judge (who, which may indeed serve as a key to the whole to do this author justice, is no favourite with him), but lest the odious connection between that branch transactions of the ensuing reign. of the judicature and the government should strike “Whoever reviews the interesting period which the reader too forcibly: For Jefferies, in this in. we have been discussing, upon the principle recom• stance, ought to be regarded as the mere tool and mended in the outset of this chapter, will find, that, instrumeni (a fit one, no doubt) of the prince who from the consideration of the past, io prognosticale had appointed him for the purpose of this and simi- the future, would, at the moment of Charles' de. lar services. Lastly, the King is gravely intro; mise, be no easy task. Between two persons, one duced on the question of pardon, as if he had had of whom should expect that the country would reno prior concern in the cause, and were now to main sunk in slavery, the other, that the cause of decide upon the propriety of extending mercy 10 a freedom would revive and triumph, it would be criminal condemned by a court of judicature ! difficult to decide, whose reasons were better sup: Nor are we once reminded what that judicature ported, whose speculations the more probable. I was,-by whom appointed, by whom influenced, should guess that he who desponded, had looked by whom called upon to receive that detestable more at the state of the public; while he who was evidence, the very recollection of which, even at sanguine, had fixed his eyes more attentively upon this distance of time, fires every honest heart with the person who was about to mount the ihrone. indignation. As well might we palliate the mur. Upon reviewing the two great parties of the nation, ders of Tiberius; who seldom put to death his vic. one observation occurs very forcibly, and that is, :ims without a previous decree of his senate. The that the great strengih of the Whigs consisted in moral of all this seems to be, that whenever a their being able to brand their adversaries as favour prince can, by intimidation, corruption, illegal evi- ers of Popery; that of the Tories (as far as their dence, or other such means, obtain a verdict against strength depended upon opinion, and not merely a subject whom he dislikes, he may cause him to upon the power of the crown), in their finding col. be executed without any breach of indispensable our to represent the Whigs as republicans. From duty; nay, that it is an act of heroic generosity, is he this observation we may draw a further inference, spares him. I never reflect on Mr. Hume's state that, in proportion to the rashness of the crown, in ment of this matter but with the deepest regret. avowing and pressing forward the cause of Popery, Widely as I differ from him upon many other occa and to ihe moderation and steadiness of the Whigs, sions, ihis appears to me to be the most reprehen. in adhering to the form of monarchy, would be ihe sible passage of his whole work. A spirit of adu: chance of ihe people of England, for changing an lation towards deceased princes, though in a good ignominious despotism for glory, liberty, and hapmeasure free from the imputation of interested piness."-pp. 66, 67. meanness, which is justly attached to flattery, when applied to living monarchs; yet, as it is less intel

James was known to have had so large a ligible with respect to its motives than the other, 80 share in the councile of his brother, that no is it in its consequences still more pernicious to the one expected any material change of system general interesis of mankind. Fear of çensure from his accession. The Church, indeed, it from contemporaries will seldom have much effect upon men in situations of unlimited authority. was feared, might be less safe under a proThey will too often flatter themselves, that the fessed Catholic; and the severity of his temsame power which enables them to commit the per might inspire some dread of an aggravated crime, will secure them from reproach. The dread oppression. It seems to be Mr. Fox's great of posthumous infamy, therefore, being the only object, in this first chapter, to prove that the restraint, their consciences excepted, upon the pas. object of his early policy was, not to establish sions of such persons, it is lamentable that this last the Catholic religion, but to make himself defence (feeble enough at best), should in any de. gree be impaired; and impaired it must be, if not absolute and independent of his Parliament. totally destroyed, when tyrants can hope to find in

The fact itself, he conceives, is completely a man like Hume, no less eminent for the integrity established by the manner in which his see and benevolence of his heart, than for the dep!h cret negotiations with France were carried and soundness of his understanding, an apologist on ; in the whole of which, he was zealously for even their foulest murders."'-pp. 48–50.

served by ministers, no one of whom had the The uncontrouled tyranny of Charles' ad- slightest' leaning towards Popery, or could ininistration in his latter days, is depicted with ever be brought to countenance the measures much force and fidelity; and the clamour which he afterwards pursued in its favour. raised by his other ministers against the Mar- It is made still more evident by the complexion


of his proceedings in Scotland; where the very reverse is the fact. But, in one case, they test, which he enforced at the point of the were the tools of a king plotting against his people';

in the other, the ministers of a free government bayonet, was a Protestant test,--so much so, indeed, that he himself could not take it, and which no state that is not in some degree republican

acting upon enlarged principles, and with energies the objects of his persecution, dissenters from can supply. How forcibly must the contemplation the Protestant church of England. We con- of these men in such opposite situations teach persons sider this point therefore-and it is one of no engaged in political life, that a free and popular gov. small importance in the history of this period ernment is desirable, not only for the public good,

but for their own greatness and consideration, for -as now sufficiently established.

It does not seem necessary to follow the every object of generous ambition.”—pp. 88, 89. author into the detail of that sordid and de- As James, in the outset of his reign, prograding connexion which James was so anxi. fessed a resolution to adhere to the system of ous to establish, by becoming, like his government established by his brother, and brother, the pensioner of the French mon- made this declaration in the first place, to his arch. The bitter and dignified contempt with Scottish Parliament, Mr. Fox thinks it neceswhich it is treated by Mr. Fox, may be sary to take a slight retrospective view of the guessed at from the following account of the proceedings of Charles towards that unhappy first remittance.

country; and details, from unquestionable au“Within a yery few days from that in which the and atrocious cruelty, as to justify him in

thorities, such a scene of intolerant oppression latter of them had passed, 'he (the French ambassador) was empowered to accompany the delivery of saying, that the state of that kingdom was a letter from his master, with the ugreeable news "a state of more absolute slavery than at of having received from him bills of exchange to the that time subsisted in any part of Christamount of five hundred thousand livres, to be used endom.” in whatever manner might be convenient to the

In both Parliaments, the King's revenue King of England's service. The account which Barillon gives of the manner in which this sum was

was granted for life, in terms of his demand, received, is altogether ridiculous: the King's eyes without discussion or hesitation; and Mr. were full of tears ! and three of his ministers, Ro- Hume is censured with severity, and appachester, Sunderland, and Godolphin, came seve. rently with justice, for having presented his rally to the French ambassador, to express the readers with a summary of the arguments sense their master had of the obligation, in terms which he would have them believe were the most lavish. Indeed, demonstrations of grati. tude from the King directly, as well as through his actually used in the House of Commons on ministers, for this supply, were such as, if they had both sides of this question. “This misreprebeen used by some unfortunate individual, who, sentation,” Mr. Fox observes, is of no small with his whole family, had been saved, by the importance, inasmuch as, by intimating that timely succour of some kind and powerful protector, such a question could be debated at all, and from a gaol and all its horrors, would be deemed

much rather too strong than too weak. Barillon himself


that it was debated with the enseems surprised when he relates them; but imputes lightened views and bold topics of argument them to what was probably their real cause, to the with which his genius has supplied him, he apprehensions that had been entertained (very un- gives us a very false notion of the character reasonable ones!), that the King of France might of the Parliament, and of the times which he no longer choose to interfere in the affairs of Eng, is describing. It is not improbable, that if be relied on for the grand object of assimilating this the arguments had been used, which this his. government to his own.''--pp. 83, 84.

torian supposes, the utterer of them would After this, Lord Churchill is sent to Paris it is certain that he would not have been

have been expelled, or sent to the Tower; and on the part of the tributary King.

heard with any degree of attention, or even “How little could Barillon guess, that he was patience.”—p. 142. negotiating with one who was destined to be at the The last chapter is more occupied with narhead of an administration which, in a few years, rative, and less with argument and reflection, would send the same Lord Churchill, not to Paris than that which precedes it. It contains the to implore Lewis for succours towards enslaving England, or to thank him for pensions to her mon story of the unfortunate and desperate expearch, but to combine all Europe against him in the ditions of Argyle and Monmouth, and of the cause of liberty! to route his armies, to take his condemnation and death of their unhappy towns, to humble his pride, and to shake to the leaders. Mr. Fox, though convinced that the foundation that fabric of power which it had been misgovernment was such as fully to justity the business of a long life to raise, at the expense resistance by arms, seems to admit that both and of jastice and good faith to foreign nations! It those enterprises were rash and injudicious. is with difficulty the reader can persuade himself with his usual candour and openness, he obthat the Godolphin and Churchill' here mentioned, serves, that "the prudential reasons against are the same persons who were afterwards, one in resistance at that time were exceedingly the cabinet, one in the field, the great conductors strong; and that there is no point, indeed, in of the war of the Succession. How little do they appear in the one instance ! how great in the other human concerns, wherein the dictates of And the investigation of the cause to which this ex: virtue and of worldly prudence are so identicessive difference is principally owing, will produce fied, as in this great question of resistance by a most useful lesson. Is the difference to be at force to established governments.'' tributed to any superiority of genius in the prince whom they served in the latter period of their lives ? had been concerted together, and were in

The expeditions of Monmouth and Argyle Queen Anne's capacity appears to have been inferior even to her father's Did they enjoy, in a tended to take effect at the same moment. greater degree, her favour and confidence i' The Monmouth, however, who was reluctantly forced upon the enterprise, was not so soon | The name of the pereon to whom this anecdote reready; and Argyle landed in the Highlands lates is not mentioned; and the truth of it may with a very small force before the Duke had therefore be fairly considered as liable to that degree sailed from Holland. The details of his ir- of doubt with which men of judgment receive resolute councils and ineffectual marches, are however, whose veracity is above suspicion, says

every species of traditional history. Woodrow, given at far too great length. Though they he had it from the most unquestionable authority. give occasion to one profound and important It is not in itself unlikely; and who is there that remark, which we do not recollect ever to would not wish it true? What a satisfactory spec. have met with before; but, of the justice of acle to a philosophical mind, to see the oppressor, which, most of those who have acted with What an acknowledgment of the superiority of vir. parties must have had melancholy and fatal tue! What an affecting and forcible testimony to experience. It is introduced when speaking the value of that peace of mind, which innocence of the disunion that prevailed among Argyle's alone can confer ! We know not who this man was; little band of followers.

but when we reflect, that the guilt which agonized

him was probably incurred for the sake of some * Add to all this," he says, " that where spirit vain tiile, or at least of some increase of wealth, was not wanting, it was accompanied with a degree which he did not want, and possibly knew not how and species of perversity wholly inexplicable, and to enjoy, our disgust is turned into something like which can hardly gain belief from any one whose compassion for that very foolish class of men, whom experience has not made him acquainted with the the world calls wise in their generation." exireme difficulty of persuading men, who pride

pp. 207–209. themselves upon an extravagant love of liberiy, “On the scaffold he embraced his friends, gave rather to compromise upon some points with those some tokens of remembrance to his son-in-law, who have, in the main, the same views with them. Lord Maitland, for his daughter and grandchildren; selves, than to give power (a power which will in. stript himself of part of his apparel, of which he fallibly be used for their own destruction) to an likewise made presents; and laid his head upon ihe adversary, of principles diametrically opposite; in block. Having uttered a short prayer, he gave the other words, rather to concede something to a signal to the executioner; which was instantly friend, than every thing to an enemy."'-pp. 187,188. obeyed, and his head severed from his body. Such The account of Argyle's deportment from great man's life. May the like happy serenity in

were the last hours, and such the final close, of this the time of his capture to that of his exe- such dreadful circumsiances, and a death equally cution, is among the most striking passages in glorious, be the lot of all, whom tyranny, of whaithe book; and the mildness and magnanimity ever denomination or description, shall in any age, of his resignation, is described with kindred or in any country, call to expiate their virtues on feelings by his generous historian. The merits the scaffold !”—p. 211. of this nobleman are perhaps somewhat ex- Rumbold, who had accompanied Argyle in a gerated; for he certainly wanted conduct this expedition, speedily shared his fate. and decision for the part he had undertaken; Though a man of intrepid courage, and fully and more admiration is expressed at the equa- aware of the fate that awaited him, he persist. nimity with which he went to death, than the ed to his last hour in professing his innocence recent frequency of this species of heroism of any design to assassinate King Charles at can allow us to sympathize with: But the the Ryehouse. Mr. Fox gives great importstory is finely and feelingly told; and the im- ance to this circumstance; and seems disposed pression which it leaves on the mind of the to conclude, on the faith of it, that the Ryereader is equally favourable to the author and house plot itself was altogether a fabrication to the hero of it. We can only make room of the court party, to transfer to their adverfor the concluding scene of the tragedy. saries the odium which had been thrown upon

- Before he left the castle he had his dinner at them with as little justice, by the prosecutions the usual honr, at which he discoursed not only for the Popish plot. It does not appear to us, calmly, but even cheerfully, with Mr. Charteris and however, that this conclusion is made out in a others. After dinner he retired, as was his custom, manner altogether satisfactory. to his bed chamber, where, it is recorded, that he slept quietly for about a quarter of an hour. While with as redundant a fulness as that of Argyle;

The expedition of Monmouth is detailed he was in bed, one of the members of the council and the character of its leader still more overcame and intimated to the attendants a desire to speak with him: upon being told that the earl was rated. Though Mr. Fox has a laudable jealasleep, and had left orders not to be disturbed, the ousy of kings, indeed, we are afraid he has manager disbelieved the account, which he consid rather a partiality for nobles. Monmouth apsatisfy him, the door of the bed-chamber was half pears to have been an idle, handsome, preopened, and he then beheld, enjoying a sweet and sumptuous, incapable youth, with none of the tranquil slumber, the man who, by the doom of virtues of a patriot, and none of the talents him and his fellows, was to die within the space of of an usurper; and we really cannot discover

wo short hours ! Struck with the sight, he hurried upon what grounds Mr. Fox would exalt him out of the room, quitted the castle with the utmost into a hero. He was in arms, indeed, against precipitation, and hid himself in the lodgings of an acquaintance who lived near, where he flung him.

a tyrant; and that tyrant, though nearly conself upon the first bed that presented itself

, and had nected with him by the ties of blood, sen. every appearance of a man suffering the most ex- tenced him with unrelenting cruelty to death. cruciating torture. His friend, who had been ap- He was plunged at once from the heights of prized by the servant of the state he was in, and fortune, of youthful pleasure, and of ambitior, who naturally concluded that he was ill, offered to the most miserable condition of existence, bim some wine. He refused, saying, “No, no, that will not help me: I have been inat Argyle, and to die disgracefully after having stooped tó saw him sleeping as pleasantly as ever man did, ask his life by abject submission! Mr. Fox within an hour of eternity! But as for me - dwells a great deal too long, we think, both

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