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comprehend the numerous criticisms which are to be found in almost every theological work. Could we induce by the expertis credite any of our readers who have not tried the experiment, to provide themselves with Parkhurst's Hebrew Lexicon, and a Hebrew Bible with large and distinct print, and regularly to devote one hour a day to the study, first of the grammar and then of the text, availing themselves of the occasional assistance of a learned neighbour to explain difficulties, we are confident that they would feel indebted to us at the end of the year; and we hope those who have tried the experiment will favour us with the result of their experience on the most useful mode of proceeding. We wish to see the Irish Clergy fully justifying the eulogium pronounced upon them by the very high authority which asserted they were an improved and improving body; and unquestionably some attainments as a Biblical scholar are indispensable requisites in forming the professional character of a clergyman. We propose in our intended series of papers, to take a range sufficiently extensive to embrace the following topics-Vowel points, state of the text, history and critical use of the Samaritan Pentateuch, of the Chaldee paraphrases, and of the ancient versions, the advantages of consulting the cognate languages, and the early Jewish writers. Without attempting to enter into a full discussion on these topics, we hope to be able to communicate such general information, as will be a guide to those who are commencing their studies and afford encouragement to others to follow their example.

OBSERVATIONS ON THE EARLY FATHERS.

TO THE EDITOR OF THE CHRISTIAN EXAMINER.
MY DEAR SIR,

I have received your sixth Number of the Examiner, and am happy to say, I am sure it will still contribute to the increasing estimation in which this work is held.

Feeling no small solicitude in regard to its progress, I will beg to offer you a few remarks relative to the early writers of the Christian Church, and the first establishment of Christianity; as I perceive you are about to publish some of the Treatises written by them.

The primitive times were so peculiar, that I think, an enlarged view and a general analysis respecting the times and the writings, would be most advantageous, to be a guide through the first books. Here, as in philosophy, the investigation of a pervading principle should precede the consideration of particular instances. To render my ideas clear, I will offer you some observations in historical form :

First, let me suppose, that in the early times of the Church of Smyrna, at some village near it, a Presbyter, who had been a

Jew, and from his youth was accustomed to what some sects practised, (as Bartalocci shews) litanies to angels; and should introduce it to the little congregation over which he presided, insisting that it was apostolical. This matter being brought before the Church of Smyrna, numbers of individuals might come forward and say, that they heard Polycarp repeating over and over, many and various discourses and instructions of different Apostles; and they were all perfectly contradictory to this novelty once introduced.

This testimony would surely be enough to put down the practices which had commenced, and were without any written word, or the Epistle to the Colossians being produced, would abundantly confirm the point.

I go now to Irenæus, whose book is, perhaps, a model of primitive argument, and consists of two parts-Tradition and Scripture. But we are to explain what he meant by Tradition, and which was then totally different from the modern claims to unwritten doctrines and practice; and which I would define primitive testimony. He pointed to the several Churches where the teaching of the Apostles was, as if yet heard; and insisted that in all they could testify against the Valentinian and other heresies, though he reckons a certain line of Bishops at Rome who had come down from the Apostles, yet through aged men, there might have been witnesses there, who, like himself, were only one step removed from the direct hearing of the Apostles.

I go on now to Tertullian. The vehemence of his temper might naturally lead him to extremes in urging any point; and that which had been urged wisely and justly by Irenæus, he seems to me to press injudiciously.

I have only to remark, on the meaning of the passage given from Dupin; and here let me observe, that with candour and careful examination we should look at Roman Catholic authors who have given us the contents of the Fathers, or have argued upon them.-Fleury gives us full statements of their works-but only such as seem to favour his cause. Thus we shall find what passages we have to explain, as falsely applied, or to allow them erroneous, and not leave them to be frequently brought forward, while we, neglecting them, only produce others on our side.

Dupin represents Tertullian saying, in the Prescriptions, that heretics should not be opposed by Scripture, but only by the voice of the Apostolical Churches; having proved their heretical origin, they are not to be considered as having a right to the possession of the Scriptures. Should we not here declare that this writer has fallen into error, led away by that temperature of an unsubdued mind which afterwards drew him to Montanism-and candidly allow the Roman Catholics a claim to this passage, as far as they can properly use it; but put against it Irenæus, and (I hope can be added) a great many of the early writers, held by themselves in more esteem.

Cyprian must be loved and imitated in his heavenly, humble,

and devoted spirit; and we owe thanks to Milner for so many extracts descriptive of this character. But I will freely observe to you, that quotations made from him respecting Traditions, are not adapted for Protestant use; and that he has given reason to Roman Catholics to use him in their favour as to Roman Supremacy.

Passages are quoted from him against Stephen and against Tradition-but Stephen had only asserted that a custom was known to prevail in the Church, that when a person was baptized (in the name of the persons of the Trinity, I suppose he had said) by a heretic; he was not to be re-baptized on renouncing the error of that heretic, and coming into the Church. Primitive customs, supported by continued testimony, such as Infant Baptism and the change of the Sabbath, are not to be called superstitious Traditions. Milner says, that Cyprian was wrong in this matter; and that common sense and the practice of the Church of England decide on the other side.

Cyprian had to manage an unruly people at Carthage; he lived in times of severe persecution and great trial, was anxious to look for authority where he thought he could innocently obtain it; and feeling the deficiency of the Church of Carthage, not being Apostolical, and, as in the first ages, reference to the Apostles, through primitive testimony was so much valued and properly used, he thought to attach the Church of Carthage to the authority of Rome, and seek Apostolical weight to his directions to the Čarthaginian people. But he went further, and said, all Churches should join themselves to one head and centre of unity; and where should this be placed with so much advantage and reason as at Rome, where Paul preached and where he and Peter were martyred In this Treatise he calls Rome the Chair of Peter; and uses language, for the subsequent abuse of which he can scarcely be answerable.

In these times the Scriptures had not obtained their full power; but as they had now, I suppose, been collected into a volume, may we not say that Cyprian would have acted, in a safer and purer way, had he made the Scriptures of the Apostles, as being the will of the Great Head of the Church above, the centre of unity for all. The Protestant religion has done this.

Contemplating the works of Augustine, we have to observe and lament one error, in which he has given occasion to have his opinion referred to, as a sanction for the worship of saints. In speaking of the Commemoration of the Martyrs, Augustine says, "that they might pray for us." When it is considered that the spirit of martyrdom of the first Christians was that which preserved Christianity in existence through the grievous persecutions that prevailed under the Pagan Emperors, it must be considered a natural effect of the veneration in which the chief of them were held, that annual memorials at their tombs should be practised, and that thanksgivings and songs of praise should be poured forth. Then, as the Jews (see Basnage,) had an opinion that the souls

of the deceased subsisted about the tombs, they began to conceive that the spirits of the martyrs were present in these festivals, and that they were led to pray for them and help them while absent from the body, as they had done in life. Augustine finding these solemnities existing, yielded to the prevailing idea that the departed spirits of the martyrs were at the time praying for the persons, and he exerted the powers of his mind to explain how they could understand their invocation, whether it pleased God to commu-, nicate it to them, &c. &c.

This passage of Augustine should be acknowledged by those who will undertake the office of MODERATORS-its error confessed -and Roman Catholics warned against it. Augustine is also referred to by Roman Catholics for authority, in favour of Purgatory.

In fine I would suggest as a rule in reading the Fathers, that their errors should be freely acknowledged and refuted, both from Scripture and by shewing from themselves a general opposition to the erroneous statement found in one: these errors should be traced to their source, and apologetic explanations offered for them. Our adversaries themselves will scarcely assert their individual infallibility, as is manifest from their condemnation of the errors of Origen.. The many modern opinions and practices which are without authority in the Fathers, and are opposed to the spirit of their writings, should be pointed out, and those more especially which are expressly opposed by the first writers and councils. In this way the early Fathers will be found most useful auxiliaries to the truth, in the controversies maintained equally against the Socinian and the Roman Catholic.

We have inserted the letter of our highly valued correspondent, although our opinion differs materially from his, up onsome parts of the subject. We are inclined to think his candor, towards the Roman Catholics, has in some instances rendered him a little unjust towards the Primitive Fathers, and while we agree with him in thinking that it is both the safest and the most honest way to surrender a post that is untenable, we yet think that the number of such posts in the writers of the five first centuries not very numerous. We shall perhaps return to the subject on a future opportunity.-Ed.

THE IRON MASK.

Man has a natural love for the marvellous: the very feeling which makes the schoolboy read or hear his ghost stories, though "congealed almost to a jelly" with the horrible narrative, exhibits its power in after-life; it becomes the prolific parent of novels and romances, it fills the newspapers with terrific tales of murder and violence, it extends its influence even into history, and clothing that which is plain with obscurity, enables the historian to see wonders and mysteries where examination and common sense would detect nothing but what is obvious: the simple truth aflords but little scope for conjecture or sentiment, and the exaggerated tale serves to establish the ingenuity of the historian, as well as to raise the curiosity of the reader.

It

This has been seldom, perhaps, so effectually done, as by the story of the Man in the Iron Mask, about whose person, name, history, and fortunes curiosity has been so strongly excited. The mystery cast over the individual, the strange mode said to be resorted to in order to avoid discovery, the incoherent stories which were circulated on the subject, and the profound secresy in which the whole was involved, formed a most seductive subject to exercise the ingenuity of the speculative. "Never," says Voltaire, who, we believe, first mentioned the circumstance,"never was there a fact more extraordinary or better authenticated ;" and then that lively writer proceeds to detail a number of occurrences, some true, some improbable, some false, but all either the scandal of the court or the conjecture of the people, but declines to give any opinion on the subject, and ends with a dark insinuation," that he, perhaps, knew more of the matter," &c. may now be safely asserted, that Voltaire knew nothing whatever of the matter, and that by embodying in his works the various reports which were in circulation, he has given stability to the different conjectures which have since amused the world. The Duke of Beaufort, the Count Vermandois, the Duke of Monmouth, a legitimate brother of Louis XIV. an illegitimate brother of the same monarch, have all fitted in their turns the Iron Mask; and one would think by the variety of conjectures, that it was a rare thing in that age of espionage and lettres de cachet, to have a state prisoner closely immured and strictly guarded. A late French writer, by the application of a principle a little more English than French, has arrived at the solution of this important trifle, and has spoiled in future all guesses upon the subject. By examining the public records, he has arrived at what appears to be a correct solution of the secret, and as your readers may be possessed of curiosity, and may not have access to the book of M. Delort, which does not seem to have attracted much attention here, you will perhaps insert a short account of the facts which his diligence has elucidated.

You may remember to have seen or heard of a work, called "Great Events from Small Causes," and it is partially illustrated by the solution of this mystery, which had baffled so many conjectures. When the mask which covered the features of the mysterious prisoner drops off, we perceive to our astonishment, not the countenance of the Beauforts, or Monmouths, or Foucquets, but that of an obscure Italian count, an under-agent in a small Italian court, the tool and the victim of the ambitious Louis XIV. and his unprincipled ministers. His name appears to have been Matthioli, a Bolognese by birth, and at one time secretary to Charles III. Duke of Mantua: possessed, probably, of little principle, some address, and some information in matters of state, he was employed by the French minister at Venice in some of the dark negociations with which the restless spirit of Louis was occupied. M. Delort says, that the obtaining possession of Casal, thereby to undermine the Spanish and Austrian influence

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