abfolute fovereigns, who, in the ftruggle for dominion, had been able to retain their independence. But the vigorous defence of the United Provinces, against the attacks of the French King, gave time for opening the eyes of many European princes. The revolution in England broke off at once the connexion of the kingdom with France, and with the Church of Rome; it not only fecured her a free government at home, but united her under the fame head with the other great maritime ftate which had arifen in Europe; and this powerful combination was followed by such alliances, and by fuch military operations, as were fufficient to restore the balance of power, and to frustrate thofe ambitious defigns that were fo hoftile to the peace and tranquillity of Europe. In fine, the revolution in England kept alive that fpark which kindled the flame of liberty in other countries, and is now likely to glide infenfibly over the whole habitable globe.' Vol. III. p. 483-5.

The fourth volume begins with a flight review of the government of Ireland, from the first fettlement of the English, down to the establishment of its legislative independence in the year 1783. This sketch is written with remarkable clearness and fpirit, and contains a very impartial account of the proceedings of the two countries. The fucceeding chapter, on the political confequences of the revolution,' appears to us extremely valuable. After a fhort sketch of the conftitution as it was then established, and of the precautions by which the Crown was effectually restrained from any abuse of its ancient prerogative, Mr Millar proceeds to obferve, that the preponderance of this branch of the legislature has now become probable a fecond time, from the great increase of its fecret or indirect influence. This influence is derived from the vaft increafe of its revenue, and of the patronage which has arisen from the extenfion of the national dominions and establishments. The revenue, Mr Millar obferves, is now divided into two branches, the one destined for fupplying the expences of government, the other for paying the intereft of the national debt. The firft is a direct fource of influence, as long as the Crown has the appointment of the officers to whom the money is paid. The fecond also increases. that influence, though lefs directly, in two ways: First, by the fucceffive expenditure of the fums which make up the capital of the debt; and, fecondly, by the difpofal of all the offices connected with the collection and diftribution of the taxes for paying the intereft. By the depreciation of money, and the general prevalence of habits of expence, Mr Millar allows that the real increase of the revenue is not altogether fo great as it appears to be; but, after making a liberal deduction upon that account, he fees great reafon for apprehenfion from the influence of a Monarch whofe revenue has increafed from two millions

to

to upwards of thirty, fince the period of the Revolution. The nature and extent of his fears, will be best estimated from his own words.

We may further remark, that the influence, arifing from the causes already specified, is apt to be the greater, as it operates upon the manners and habits of a mercantile people: a people, engroffed by lucrative trades and profeffions, whofe great object is gain, and whose ruling principle is avarice: a people, whofe diftinguishing feature, as a great author obferves, is juftice equally oppofed to difhonefty on the one hand, and to generofity on the other; not that nice and delicate juftice, the offspring of refined humanity, but that coarse, though useful virtue, the guardian of contracts and promifes, whofe guide is the fquare and the compass, and whofe protector is the gallows. By a people of this defcription, no opportunity of earning a penny is to be loft; and whatever holds out a view of intereft, without violating any municipal law, or incurring any hazard, is to be warmly embraced. Quærenda pecunia primum.

• From the time of the Revolution, accordingly, we may trace, in fome measure, a new order of things; a new principle of authority, which is worthy the attention of all who fpeculate upon political fubjects. Before that period, the friends of liberty dreaded only the direct encroachments of the prerogative: they have fince learnt to entertain ftronger apprehenfions of the fecret motives of intereft which the Crown may hold up to individuals, and by which it may feduce them from the duty which they owe to the public. To what a height, in fact, has this influence been raifed in all the departments of government, and how extenfively has it pervaded all ranks and defcriptions of the inhabitants! -in the army, in the church, at the bar; in the republic of letters, in finance, in mercantile and manufacturing corporations-not to mention penfioners and placemen, together with the various officers connected with the distribution of juftice and the execution of the laws, the corps diplomatique, and the members of the King's confidential council. With what a powerful charm does it operate in regulating opinions, in healing grievances, in ftifling clamours, in quieting the noify patriot, in extinguishing the most furious oppofition! It is the great opiate which infpires political courage, and lulls reflection; which animates the ftatefman to defpife the refentment of the people; which drowns the memory of his former profeffions; and deadens, perhaps, the fhame and remorfe of pulling down the edifice which he had formerly reared.' Vol. IV. 94-6.

To counterbalance all these evils, Mr Millar however re-marks, that the rapid improvement in arts and manufactures, that has diftinguished the fame period, has produced a degree of wealth and affluence, which has diffufed a feeling of independence, and a high spirit of liberty through the great body of the people; while the advancement of literature and found philofophy, has effectually diffipated many political prejudices

and

and errors, and introduced fuch principles as are more favourable to the equal rights of mankind. How far thefe circumftan ces may be able to counteract the increafing influence of the Crown, Mr Millar has not determined. The hiftorical view of the government indeed is not carried any farther; and the remaining chapters of the work are occupied with separate differtations, explaining and illuftrating the nature of that process by which the diffufion of wealth and the cultivation of literature, have contributed to the maintenance of a free and independent fpirit.

In the differtation upon commerce and manufactures, we have a very clear and concife abftract of the leading doctrines of the Wealth of Nations.' The improvements which have taken place in those departments, have been favourable to liberty, Mr Millar thinks, chiefly in two ways: first, by affording the means of independent fubfiftence, and even the profpect of unlimited opulence to every induftrious individual: and fecondly, by facilitating the mutual intercourfe of individuals, and enabling them to confult and combine for the redrefs of their grievances, and the vindication of their rights.

The effect of this increase of industry and opulence upon the character and understanding of the people at large, is oppofite in their different circumftances. The fubdivifion of mechanical labour, has an unquestionable tendency to ftupify the faculties, by circumfcribing the range of observation and exertion, and reducing the workman very nearly to the condition of a machine; its direct effect upon the character of the lower orders, is therefore unquestionably detrimental. But, on the other hand, the eafe and affluence which is diffufed in this way through all the middling claffes of the community, naturally gives them leifure and inclination for the cultivation of their faculties, and creates a great demand for all the productions of literature and the arts; at the fame time that the labourers in thefe higher departments, are themfelves enabled, by fuch encouragement, to adopt a divifion of labour that is attended with its ufual advantages. The example of the middle claffes defcends by degrees to the ranks immediately below them; and the general prevalence of juft and liberal fentiments, which are thus fpread by contagion through every order of fociety, ferves in fome degree to correct the debafing influences of mechanical drudgery on the labourers. Though Mr Millar is by no means infenfible of the efficacy of this corrective, he is of opinion, that it is not fufficiently powerful to counteract the mifchievous operation of the oppofite principle; and earneftly recommends the adoption of every poffible expedient for the instruction and illumination of the lower orders of fociety.

Thus

Thus far the fubject of the differtations is strictly connected with the treatise to which they are annexed. But when, in the fucceeding chapter, we are prefented with a general divifion of the kinds of knowledge, and of the liberal arts and fciences, and are afterwards entertained with a long fpeculation upon the foundations of morality, and the various modifications which it receives in the progrefs of fociety, we confefs that we lofe fight of the Hiftorical View of the English Government, and can longer trace any connexion between thefe fpeculations and the political condition of this country after the fettlement on King William. Though thefe chapters contain nothing, perhaps, that is very original or important, they are written with great spirit and fagacity, and have the merit of ftating fome important truths in a very clear and ftriking point of view. What the author chiefly enforces is, that an opulent and commercial people are ufually very deficient in the attribute of courage; that the higher orders among them become fober, but addicted to gallantry; and that juftice, instead of generosity, becomes the reigning virtue of the whole nation.

In the fucceeding chapter, which treats of the origin and progrefs of the sciences of law and government, we meet with a great number of remarks that are more judicious than original. The hiftory of law is borrowed in a good degree from the writings of Montefquieu, Lord Kaims, and Mr Smith, though compreffed and connected with much of Mr Millar's peculiar talent for fimplification. Of government, he observes that it is founded altogether on two principles: the one, which is in a manner instinctive and irrational, he denominates authority, and ftates as the primitive fource of all the governments in the world: the other principle is, a perception of the utility of government, and does not, in general, emerge, till men have advanced pretty far in fcience and civilization. Under the appellation of authority, he comprehends all that deference, and ad'miration that is excited by fuperior perfonal accomplishments, by riches, and by birth, which, when aided and confirmed by long continued habit, form the only foundation upon which the greater part of governments can even yet be said to fubfift. When grofs abufes have been committed, however, and the faculties of men are called into action by their passions and neceffities, they begin to wonder at their own blind fubmiffion to evils which they had it in their power to remove, and think of reforming their governments upon a view of their utility alone. The principle of authority, Mr Millar afferts, was the palladium of the partizans of the Houfe of Stuart; and the principle of utility, the guide and symbol of their opponents. The latter of

thefe

thefe principles, Mr Millar concludes, is evidently destined to take precedence of the other, as men advance in the powers of reafoning and philofophy. Even the Tories have now abandoned, at least in their arguments, the untenable ground of authority, and contend for the enlargement of the regal power, upon no other principle, than its tendency to promote the good order and ultimate happinefs of the community. Though the principle will not do to argue upon, Mr Millar is far from maintaining that it is either entirely fuperfeded, or without its use in the regulation of human affairs. The fentiment expreffed in the following paffage is extremely liberal and judicious:

Upon the whole, it is evident that the diffufion of knowledge tends more and more to encourage and bring forward the principle of utility in all political difcuffions; but we muft not thence conclude, that the influence of mere authority, operating without reflection, is entirely useless. From the difpofitions of mankind to pay respect and fubmiffion to fuperior perfonal qualities, and ftill more to a fuperiority of rank and ftation, together with that propenfity which every one feels to continue in those modes of action to which he has long been accustomed, the great body of the people, who have commonly neither leifure nor capacity to weigh the advantages of public regulations, are prevented from indulging their unruly paffions, and retained in fubjection to the magiftrate. The fame difpofitions contribute in fome degree to reftrain thofe rafh and vifionary projects, which proceed from the ambition of ftatefmen, or the wanton defire of innovation, and by which nations are expofed to the moft dreadful calamities. Thofe feelings of the human mind, which give rife to authority, may be regarded as the wife provifion of nature for fupporting the order and government of fociety; and they are only to be regretted and cenfured, when, by exceeding their proper bounds, they no longer act in fubordination to the good of mankind, but are made, as happens indeed very often, the inftruments of tyranny and oppreffion.' Vol. IV. p. 309. 310.

The laft difcourfe is upon the subject of the fine arts, and is fo far connected with the preceding differtations, and the general fubject of the work, that it treats of their gradual progrefs in the different ftages of fociety, and of the changes which have been produced upon them by the introduction of wealth and manufactures. This effay was left unfinished: it propofed to treat of literary compofition in general, under the heads of Poetry and Eloquence; but the hiftory of poetry alone is completed, and the work concludes at the point where the difcuffion of eloquence fhould have begun. By poetry, Mr Millar means all thofe compofitions, whether in a metrical form or not, the primary end of which is delight or entertainment. Thofe he divides, fomewhat loofely, into epic and dramatic, and endeavours, VOL. III. NO. 5.

M

in