ian?....I shall not bear Luther's name; for Ied upon their authors. Then poison and murder were attempted, but God delivered him from all. Zwingli was to be deterred from his purpose neither by promises nor by assaults. Still the Romish authorities believed that they should be able to gain him over, if they only offered a bribe of sufficient value. The dictum of Sir R. Walpole was long anticipated at Rome; for, where every thing was venal, it was not likely that a high estimate of the honesty of others would prevail. So late as January, 1523, the Pope addressed a brief to Zwingli, in which he expressed his especial confidence in the priest of Zurich, and his desire to advance him to the highest honors. This letter was brought by the nuncio, who was ordered to confer with Zwingli in private, and to make the most brilliant offers to secure his adhesion to the Roman pontiff. Another emissary who was employed with the same purpose, on being asked by Myconius what the Pope would give to gain over his friend, replied: "Every thing, most assuredly, except the Papal chair itself." Whilst such influences were brought to bear from high quarters, far baser ones were at work, endeavoring to undermine his reputation. No calumnies were too disgraceful to be vented against him by the priestly party in Zurich. He had, they said, dissuaded from payment of tithes as tyranny. He had, in the pulpit, represented adultery as lawful. He wanted to be tyrant and Pope in one. He was the father to three bastard children. He was to be seen drunk at night in the streets of Zurich. He was at once in the pay of the Pope and the French king. Of course, these stories had effect in some quarters, and alienated those at a distance who could not inquire into their truth. But at home these falsehoods only recoil "Being reviled, we bless; being persecuted, we suffer it; being defamed, we entreat"- these words, we imagine, often recurred to Zwingli; and his private letters at this period show to what source he turned for strength to endure the many "I know," trials of his checkered career. he writes to his brother, "that my own strength is not sufficient, and I know just as well how strong they are who contend against the doctrine of God. I can, however, like Paul, do all things through Christ strengthening me. For what is my speech, how could it avail to bring any sinners back to the way of life, if the power of the Spirit of God did not work with it?" In a letter to one of whose Christian sympathy and intelligence he was more fully assured-to his friend Myconius-he thus expressed himself: "If I were not convinced that the Lord guarded the town, I had long since taken my he makes fast the ropes, hoists the yards, hand from the helm; but seeing as I do that spreads the canvas, and commands the winds, I were indeed a coward, undeserving the name of a man, if I were to leave my post; and, after all, I should still, in the end, die a death of shame. I will, therefore, trust myself entirely to his goodness; he shall lead and guide me; he shall accelerate or procrastinate; he shall calm or tempest to overwhelm me in the sea. I advance or delay the voyage; he shall send will not be impatient; I am verily but a weak vessel; he can employ me to honor or to dishonor. I often, indeed, pray to him that he would bring my flesh under his government, and destroy its lazy, wayward contradictoriness, which is ever slow to obedience, and, like a woman, will ever have the last word, and know Christian Church, originally purchased by the the reason of every thing. I still hold that the blood of Christ, can be renewed alone by the blood of the witnesses for the truth, and in no other way."-Christoffel, p. 93. It would be superfluous to dilate upon the complete resignation to God's will, and upon the noble Christian courage, which this letter displays; but it may be well to remark, in passing, that these results were produced in Zwingli from no mere apathetic fatalism, and submission to an inevitable destiny, but from the firm conviction of His love to whom Zwingli had committed his soul, and the unfailing fidelity of His promises to all them that believe. It was now evident that affairs could not long be maintained at Zurich in their present posture - one party must yield. The magistracy had been so far gained as to appeal to the confederate Diet of the Swiss Cantons,, and to the bishop of Constance, for light upon the subjects in dispute, but had failed to gain a hearing in either quarter. Meanwhile the enemies of the Reformation began to persecute their opponents wherever they could do so with impunity, and the report of their proceedings tended to inflame the young Zurichois that were supporters of the truth. Disputes were constantly arising. Young men challenged the monks in their sermons, and proved the falseness of their teaching. With these disorders the town authorities tried in vain to grapple, and at length, at Zwingli's instigation, they determined to hold a public conference on matters of religion. As the Swiss Reformation took its peculiar course from the direction given to it at this period, it may be well succinctly and plainly to enunciate the principle that guided the Reformers. When the light of Divine truth first broke upon individual men in the Romish communion, they were usually fain to content themselves with preaching the true doctrines, and with condemning the corruptions of their time, though they themselves still remained within the pale of the Papal Church. Such was the case of Savonarola and many others. But as the word of God became more fully known, and gained more numerous adherents, it was felt that the rites and ceremonies of Rome, founded as they were upon her dogmas, were no longer to be borne. But by what authority were the necessary changes to be effected? It was soon manifest that the Papacy would agree to no proposal for a General Council that should not be under its own influence and guidance. Nor could the whole nominally Christian body in each country be at present intrusted with such a responsibility: party spirit ran too high on either side, and moderation was not to be expected at their hands. At this juncture, then, Zwingli proposed to commit the decision of external things and of rites to the Council of Two Hundred, the supreme authority in Zurich, the condition being that their judgment should be guided in all things by the rule of God's word. Before this body, then, and with this standard to appeal to, Zwingli offered to meet the priestly party, to defend his position against all comers with the sword of truth. On the twenty-ninth of January, 1523, the great Council assembled in their hall at Zurich. Marx Roist, the burgomaster, a hoary-headed warrior, presided. On one side were the bishop's representatives, Von Anwyl, his high-steward, Faber, and others; opposed to them were deputies from Berne and Schaffhausen, and the clergy of the town. Zwingli sat alone in the center of an otherwise vacant circle at a table, with open Bibles in the three ancient tongues: men of learning, burgesses, and country people, to the number of six hundred in all, filled the space, "in great wonderment what would come out of this affair." The burgomaster briefly opened the proceedings, and Zwingli followed, defending his own teaching, and declaring that it had been based upon God's word. Then Faber began in reply, and employed the usual arguments to evade acknowledging the authority of the appointed judges. They were not competent to decide upon customs which had been existing for ages, and had been established by the Pope; they had better postpone the business for the present, as the General Council were to meet at Nurenberg within a year; they should not interfere in matters which it was their prelate's business to adjudicate. To this Zwingli answered: "I have lately had letters on the Nurenberg business, but they contain not a word about a General Council. It is not custom, but truth, for which we are inquiring; this we shall find in God's word, which we are learned enough to read in Hebrew, Greek, and Latin." The disputation then began; but the condition that the decisive authority should be the Bible, rendered the victory secure. Purgatory, invocation of saints, adoration of the Virgin, the celibacy of the clergy, came under review. In vain Faber pleaded long-established custom, in vain he argued that the Church could not have been in error fourteen hundred years, in vain he quoted fathers and councils, in vain he tried to fasten upon Zwingli the odium of heresy. Inexorably Zwingli kept him to the point: "You must prove it to us from Holy Scripture." Council resolved that their parish priest should still retain his office, and that all The other preachers should teach nothing from the pulpit but that which could be proved from Holy Writ. Faber, annoyed at his defeat, declared that he spoke in his private capacity, and not as vicar-general. Then, Zwingli, flushed with victory, no longer spared him. So ended the first Conference; the Reformation was established in Zurich, and the body of the people committed to its support. [September, bosom of Rome. Many more, who were careless about religion, but were affected by Zwingli's denunciations of foreign service, joined the force that was arrayed against him. The band was swelled by all those whose sins were obnoxious to his teaching, by all who preferred expediency to principle, the fear of man to the commands of God. Apprehension, seriously awakened; for the Popish memtoo, for their Canton's security, was now heretics in their own precincts, and spoke openly of their intentions to march against Zurich. A number of practical reforms followed. The abuses of the ecclesiastical establish-bers of the confederacy ruthlessly punished ment were rectified. The cathedral foundation maintained sixty canons and chaplains, most of whom led lives of idleness, riot, and licentiousness. These were reduced to a staff that was sufficient to perform the required offices. Exactions for various services were abolished, a wise discretion being observed in permitting those who desired certain ceremonies to have them at their demand. worship was placed upon a new footing, Public with exposition of Scripture and a sermon. The monasteries were remodeled: their inmates had their choice of leaving, or remaining under a new régime; their monastic habit was abolished; the younger monks were made to study or to learn a trade; for the aged a becoming provision was arranged. suppressed foundations were applied to The funds of the sick and poor, and charities thus established still exist in Zurich. Celibacy was no longer to be imperative upon the clergy; and Zwingli set the example of choosing a fitting spouse. changes a wholesome reform was effected, By these and great scandals were removed. But this point once reached, it was impossible to avoid further alterations. A second religious discussion was held, at which it was finally determined that the mass was inconsistent with the teaching of Scripture, that images should not be used, and that prayers for the dead were unavailing. These conclusions put a finishing hand to the work of the Reformation. Throughout the discussion of the above questions Zwingli had taken a leading part, and his constant attention was necessary to secure a favorable issue: but although the result had been to establish the truth at Zurich, the Reformer's position was now full of peril. Many who had once 66 run well" took alarm at the disregard of ecclesiastical authority which the opposition of the Papists rendered necessary, and retreated again into the sensions sprang up amidst the Reformers, And now, worse than all, dissome of whom ran into the most deplorable excesses, and brought great odium on the cause with which they were identified. We realize once more the full power of faith in seeing how a single man overwhelming opposition. Zwingli's courwas enabled to make head against such We may not, in the light of subsequent age seems to rise to every emergency. experience, approve of all his measures for regulating the Church; we may regret that in the heat and bitterness of controversy he should have occasionally forgotten His example who, when he was rewithering scorn and contempt upon his viled, reviled not again, and flung back despicable foes; but when we regard all the circumstances of his position-when we recollect that the axe and the fire were depriving him of some he loved great calmness, his uniform adhesion to most dearly we can only admire his principle, and his unshaken faith. With all these troubles at home, he could find leisure to advise foreign_Churches, and the care of all the Swiss Reformed body for some period came on him. There were fightings without, fears within; yet the bold heart held on its way, confiding in the security of his position in the sight of God. of the public disputation with the AnaWe can not enter into the particulars baptists, or the arguments by which Zwingli supported infant baptism, whilst he denied all virtue to the mere outward rite. But the extravagance of his opponents imperatively demanded the intervention of the authorities, and Zwingli was blamed for an intolerant edict which he had most earnestly deprecated. In truth, the behavior of these fanatics was an outrage upon the public peace. At the moment when negotiations were pending, with every prospect of a quiet and satisfactory arrangement, for the disuse of images and the suppression of the mass, the Anabaptist leaders excited the people to break in pieces the images, the altars, and even the baptismal font. The wildest frenzy seemed to guide their actions. Those who formed their body were rebaptized with "the baptism of the regenerate," as they termed it, and joined in the celebration of the communion, which they degraded into a nocturnal revel, at the houses where they "set up the table of the Lord." They rejected all regularlyordained preachers, maintaining that no paid minister could preach the truth. They denied that any Christian man ought to hold any civil office, and consequently refused to recognize the authority of the state. Finally, they established a community of goods, and even of wives, and sank into the grossest Antinomianism and immorality. It was a matter of no small difficulty to determine how best to deal with these fanatics. Their leaders were generally designing men, who had been disappointed in their expectations of reaping a harvest from the spoils of suppressed foundations; and they led on their more ignorant followers in avowed opposition to Zwingli's authority. When the council of Zurich sent a new pastor to Zollikon, in the place of one of their number, Blaurock, a leader of their sect, stood up in the center of the church, and cried: "I am the door; by me if any man enter in, he shall find pasture:......as it is written, "I am the good shepherd, the good shepherd giveth his life for the sheep," so I give my body and my life for my sheep; my body to the dungeon, and my life to the sword, or the fire, or the rack, wherever, like the blood of Christ on the cross, it may be drained from the flesh. I am the beginning of baptism and the bread of the Lord, along with my elect brethren in Christ, Conrad Grebel and Felix Manz. Therefore the Pope with his followers is a thief and a murderer. Zwingli and Leo Juda too, with their followers, are thieves and murderers, until they recognize this." Bands of them, carrying lighted torches, promenaded the streets of Zurich, shouting dark prophetic sayings, and holding noctural meetings. Whole crowds of deceivers and deceived clothed themselves in sackcloth, bestrewed themselves with ashes, and, girding themselves with ropes, cried in the public places: "Woe to thee, Zurich! Yet forty days and thou shalt be overthrown."* Such disorders were plainly inconsistent not only with the peace of the Church, but with all good government, and would suffice to relieve Zwingli from the charge of intolerance in any endeavors to suppress them. But the Swiss Reformer opposed the severe decree that was passed against them, and soon afterwards he prevailed on the Council to grant a safe-conduct to those who had been banished, that a second public disputation might be held to convince them of their errors. We must refer our readers to M. Christoffel's pages for the arguments used on either side. Each party was only the more obstinately confirmed in their previous opinions, and the Anabaptists became more unmanageable than ever. At length a terrible deed of blood committed at one of their feasts aroused public indignation, and the people vehemently called upon the government to interfere. Some of the ringleaders were executed, others were banished. Thus ended a contest which Zwingli declared to have cost him more sweat than his fight with the Papacy: nay, he said that the latter, in comparison with this, was but child's play. A far more painful contest, however, was carried on with Luther regarding the Lord's Supper. The great German Reformer appears no where in a more disadvantageous light than in his treatment of Zwingli. At the beginning of the dispute, indeed, there is every reason to believe that Luther was ignorant of Zwingli's real sentiments, and supposed them to be identical with the views promulgated by Carlstadt and the Zwickau prophets; but his violence abated not one whit when informed of the great difference between them. Storm-tossed and weather-beaten as Luther had been, no wonder if he acquired a rough exterior: indeed, he himself admits it, but adds: "The heart is tender and soft." Unfortunately, he only exposed to Zwingli the hard rind: and began or ended all his disquisitions on the sacrament with some reference to the devil, who (he declared) had whispered his doctrine to his Swiss opponent. Zwingli replied, with all mildness and love: "You write, dear Luther, that the devil has taken possession of us; that we have indeed read that Christ has died for us, but that we *Christoffel, p. 253. p. 322. men." have not received it into our hearts. We do Whilst Zwingli was at Marburg, he had not know what better to say to this, than to re- held important consultations with the ply in the words of Paul: "Who art thou that Landgrave on the political condition of judgest another man's servant?" If we repeat the Reformers. Indications were not to you the sum of what we are to believe and teach, you either say we have learned it from wanting of an intention to suppress at you; and is it not strange that if we learned it once their religious and political liberties; from you, you do not recognize your own doc for Charles the Fifth regarded with jealtrine?-or you say we do not believe our own ousy the freedom of his German subjects, Confessions. What are we to do? We can do and would willingly have embittered the nothing but joyfully bear the reproach, and lay dissensions between Paptists and Protestour case before the just Judge."-Christoffel, ants, that he might take advantage of their weakness to subdue them both beneath his power. Divide et impera, was the motto of his policy; and a Spanish force was ready to be marched into Germany, when the native states had been exhausted in mutual conflict. Zwingli foresaw the impending danger, and had already made some provision to ward it off from Zurich. The terms upon which this latter town had entered into the Swiss Confederacy permitting it to make alliances with other towns independently of the larger body, an alliance, offensive and defensive, reserving the rights of conscience and liberty to preach the Gospel, was made with Constance. This treaty was called "the Christian Burgher-Rights." Berne, Basle, Mulhouse, Biel, and Schaffhausen, were subsequently admitted. It was now proposed to make "the BurgerRights" the basis of a general league_between Protestant states, and ambassadors were dispatched to the towns of Northern and South Germany. Strasburg had been already enrolled, and great hopes were entertained that Venice would be gained. Nor was the adhesion of France despaired of, the jealousy of Francis the First against the Emperor giving stronger grounds to hope for his accession than any proofs which he had given of regard for the Gospel. Such was the comprehensive scheme which Zwingli had devised: its execution was prevented by a variety of circumstances. Venice, although disposed to lend a favorable ear, had but just come to terms with the Austrians. Francis the First dared not take any decisive step whilst his sons remained as hostages in the hands of his great rival. Meanwhile no such hindrances presented themselves to the union of the different Popish states; and the Catholic Cantons of Uri, Schwyz, Unterwalden, Lucerne, and Zug, called "the Five Places," had contracted a treaty with Austria, and with the Pope. Every thing portended that a collision was inevitable. Zwingli saw this, and calmly estimated It is with pain that we revert to these weaknesses in so great a man as Luther, but the life of Zwingli would be incomplete without some mention of them. Fuller evidences of the spirit in which the struggle was maintained, are to be found in M. Christoffel's pages, who enters warmly into a vindication both of the doctrine and the behavior of his hero. Luther was, we regret to say by no means softened by the meekness of Zwingli's replies; and he applied to his friends in power throughout Germany, to suppress by authority the writings of the Sacramentalists, as the Swiss Reformers were termed. "Now," he wrote to Philip, Landgrave of Hesse, “it is war to the knife with these Meanwhile, thoughtful men on either side bewailed this schism in the Reformed body, whilst their enemies were plotting to take advantage of its existence to effect the ruin of both parties. It was determined, accordingly, to make an attempt at union; and Philip, Landgrave of Hesse, exerted his influence to effect a reconciliation. Ruchat gives a full account of the arguments employed and the reasons urged on either side; but from the very commencement success was hopeless. The Lutherans desired to impose their own terms, which were to be accepted by their opponents with an interpretation of their own. Then an endeavor was made to devise a formulary sufficiently ambiguous to include both parties. But Zwingli expressed his dissatisfaction at such a course. He suggested that it would be far better to draw up a confession of the fundamental doctrines on which they were all agreed, and to tolerate differences on the sacramental question. This, indeed, was done on the sudden breaking up of the assembly at Marburg. It is gratifying to remember, that on his death-bed Luther charged Melancthon to make further concessions, and regretted the obstinacy he had displayed in this matter. |