Was ever poor, prostrated, and distracted country like unto this England of ours? This same England, the frank and generous nation, so long the pride of history in past ages? Ah! Sir, I fear principle has ceased to exist-the spirit of our ancient jurisprudence become obsolete the germs of freedom blighted by foreign influences, and all that ever our fathers valued as being most congenial to the peace, happiness, and welfare of the people, lost in the whirlwind of innovations and cloudy mysticisms of

SIR-The great and substantial point of the argument which I have submitted for your consideration is this-that national improvements (I mean physical) can be effected only by means of surplus value or capital. If those changes that are called improvements should be effected during a period when capital is insufficient, instead of superabundant, such changes, instead of being improvements, would, in reality, be most injurious derangements, however much they might be esteemed by the people; hence it follows, that changes should be confined or limited to the amount of the surplus value or capital.

Perhaps you may say-give me here again your definition of surplus value or capital? By the terms surplus value, or capital, I mean the possession of something more than that which is sufficient for maintaining well our existing population. In the first place, then, my proposition includes the possession of such an aggregate bulk of commodities, so distributed amongst the people, by means of a correct principle of exchange being observed, as that all who are willing to work shall be able to find fitting occupation, and fair remuneration; and, in the second place, in addition to this, the possession of an increase of value or capital. It is the increase or surplus, I maintain, that constitutes the fund by which the changes or improvements can ALONE be properly or legitimately effected. If they should be effected in a greater degree than this, they must be effected at a greater cost to the community in general than is warranted, and thus be the means of casting some of the people into a state of poverty and destitution.

To elucidate this important question by the method of analogy, I will suppose the case of a private individual who has a certain number of persons to maintain, of whom his family is comprised. He has been living in a state so well arranged, that sufficient of the necessaries, conveniences, and comforts of life have been enjoyed by all, though the consumption of luxuries has not been indulged in. To support this state, his whole income has been expended. On a sudden, he entertains the desire of adding to his establishment the luxury of a carriage. His income remaining the same, yet he sets up a carriage, or, his income being increased by 20, he adopts a change which will cost 50. Now, it is evident that this step having been taken under either of the states of circumstances supposed, an encroachment must have been made upon the pre-existing order of things; for, as the same can be adequate only to the same, or a givien increase of income to a given increase of expenditure, so the addition must have been effected by means of subtracting from some other quarter; this particular must have been acquired by a sacrifice of a portion of the general, and hence derangement introduced. But how different things would have been if this individval had taken the proper and wise precaution of procuring an adequate income in the first place, and then, by means of this increase of income, to have accomplished his design of indulging in the luxury of a carriage. Had this course been observed, all the pre-existing arrangements would have remained undisturbed, and the proceeding would have been sauctioned by justice and good sense. Instead of this, having chosen to invert the correct order of things, or to incur an additional expenditure, by adopting the improvement of a carriage, leaving the means to be a matter of posterior acquirement, hence a merited punishment, in the shape of distress, must alight upon himself and his family.

Such is the character of that all-important feature of the subject which I desire to press, again and again, upon your attention. Although it is in this most material feature of the question that the great truth consists, yet it is a truth that has been almost wholly overlooked or suppressed. When we enter upon a consideration of the great question of remedy, it is all-essential that this truth be thoroughly comprehended and acknowledged, for, if it be not, no conclusion of any practical utility whatever can be derived. I will now proceed to place its applicability in another point of view.

Amongst the numerous and important results which we have derived from social progress and modern civilization, our Manufacturing System occupies the most conspicuous position. To the formation of this system, manual labour, mechanical contrivance, and mental ingenuity, have all been directed with that untiring energy, admirable skill, and ardent devotedness, which men are wont to exert when the desired object is wealth. Against the attainment of the coveted object no impediment has been permitted to interpose itself which could, by any means, be removed; whilst, on the other hand, every adjunctive appliance has been pressed into the service which could administer assistance in working this monstrous engine of competitive industry to its greatest extent and power.

Wealth being the object, it will not excite surprise in the minds of observing and reflecting persons, that many formidable and appalling abuses should have been introduced into the system. Hence the bodies and souls of men have been remorselessly sacrificed at the shrine of human cupi

dity. Upholding, eagerly and fiercely, FREE ACTION as a right, and disregarding the great, moderating, and beneficial law of degree, on which I have so frequently and earnestly commented. most of those who have engaged themselves in the manufacturing system have urged on the action of this system by every means that the most active invention could devise. The sensitive instrument-the human body-has been made to endure a never-ceasing contest with the senseless instrument of wood or of iron. In this direful contest, the instrument endowed with feeling, wants, and vitality, has been overborne by that which is endowed with neither of these properties. Man has been oppressed, tortured, and rejected; whilst the more convenient machine has been extolled and adopted. As progress was made in the system, it was found to be possible to superintend the action of the Utilitarian process, or the management and direction of the machines, merely by the labour of children, so that the labour of parents was, in too many instances, dispensed with, the labour of children being made to take its place; and as these changes were introduced before the additional capital had been formed whereby the additional labour thus thrown out of its accustomed employment might meet with proper DEMAND, consequences of the most serious and afflicting character ensued. The step which the encroaching spirit of feigned utility next took, was that of urging the tender bodies of the children into the performance of more labour than their strength was well able to undergo. This was to be performed often in a heated and unwholesome atmosphere, upon a monotonous and wearying employment, the position of standing being required during a lengthened period. All these circumstances, so repressive of the growth and proper developement of those powers and capacities which are inherent in young and pliant bodies and minds. and which were ordained for purposes so different, were soon seen to produce moral and physical results of a most lamentable nature.

The evils to which I have allued, together with many others, increased, in proportion as our manufacturing system was extended; then the attention of benevolent persons, who witnessed the baneful progress of this polluted system, was attracted to the subject, and their energies were exerted in the noble cause of opposing the abuses of this gigantic power, and of alleviating its injurious results. Of the persons who took a conspicuous and influential part in awakening and arraying public opinion against these mighty evils, Mr. Nathaniel Gould, the late Sir Robert Peel, Mr. Richard Oastler, Mr. Sadler, and the Rev. G. S. Bull, were the leaders; and as the great manufacturing districts of England constituted the sphere both of their experience and of their exertions, much positive good was effected, and, without doubt, much increase of evil was prevented, by the energy, the talent, and the undaunted courage they displayed in support of the arduous contest in which they had embarked. To the amount of public feeling which was thus aroused, we owe the existence of many beneficial state enactments, though much still remains to be effected; and the legislational management of this noble cause is now especially confided to the advocacy of Lord Ashley.

I now approach again the great economical question under consideration, namely, that of REMEDY. The chief measure suggested for alleviating the misery consequent on the abuses of manufacturing power, is that of shortening the time of labour. That the labour exacted is excessive, and that such exaction is fraught with consequences most oppressive and cruel, and hence, that the degree of it ought to be diminished, I will take to be admitted points. With regard to a legislative enaciment, which shall compel a shortening of the time of labour, I maintain, that unless the will of the people and the power of the legislature be directed to other points also, the shortening of the time of labour will fail to effect the end contemplated by its benevolent projectors. Will the legislature, at the same time that it enforces its power upon the point of abridging the time of labour, ensure also that the same earnings, or the same rate of wages, shall be paid for the smaller amount of labour as was before paid for the larger? Will it turn its regard to the point of keeping up, in every quarter, whether at home or abroad, the demand for the commodities on which the labourer is employed? And will it undertake to see that so long as an EXCESSIVE supply of labour exists, no more mechanical contrivances shall be introduced that shall supersede labour, and render the supply still more excessive? If we ask ourselves the question-What is it that induces these poor, miserable, and degraded human beings to submit to toil which is fraught with such evil consequences?-the answer must be-the urgent wants, the painful necessity of their condition. They are willing to endure this certain, though terrible amount of evil, in order to avoid an amount greater and more terrible. The employment, though unwholesome, irksome, bad, and destructive of health and happiness, is, nevertheless, preferable to the alternative, otherwise the alternative would have been chosen. The degradation is indeed deep, yet beneath this deep there is a deeper still. The CAUSE of all this evil and suffering forms the great question which should engage the anxious and persevering consideration of every statesman, and also of every honourable and reflecting person. I maintain, that I have shown the cause to be that keen and unsparing COMPETITION which it is the will of the people to encourage and to increase, and which the policy of our Government, comprehending both our domestic and foreign relations, unhappily fosters and advances. I contend, that under the circumstances detailed, the mere shortening of labour will be moperative as a remedy. The case is like that of a man suffering under fever, and who is attended by two physicians; whilst the one is attempting to mitigate the terrific effects of the disorder, by ordering the application of outward and superficial assuasives, the other, in ignorance or inattention, is administering medicine which is hourly adding to the intenseness of the disease.

Upon the question, then, of remedy, I again maintain, in accordance with the whole course of my argument, that the way to it is by abstaining from change-that we diminish the CAUSE which Induces the disease.

No. 16, Doughty Street, April 17, 1843.

I remain, Sir, your obedient servant,
WILLIAM ATKINSON.

Printed by Vincent Torras & Co., 7, Palace Row, New Road, London.

THE

FLEET PAPERS.

NOTICES TO CORRESPONDENTS.

Ma. OASTLER is removed from No. 2, in 10, to No. 8, in the State House. No. 8 is on the ground-floor, close to the front door, on the left.-MR. OASTLER begs to remind his friends, that oN MONDAY he is always occupied in writing; so that on that day HE IS NOT "AT HOME."

THOMAS DIXON, 9, Friar's Court, Carlisle.-His letter and the Carlisle Journal are received. The whole thing is in a nut-shell. The proceedings at the Quarter Sessions held at COCKERMOUTH on the 4th of April prove several facts. It is clear that Mr. JOHNSON, the Visiting Magistrate, is a man after SIR JAMES GRAHAM's own heart, else he would not have escaped the censure of the Home Secretary. It is proved that Mr. ORRIDGE, the Governor of Carlisle gaol, is a humane man and a gentleman, else SIR JAMES GRHAAM would not have contemp tuously called him the Gaoler," and, without a hearing, ordered him to be admonished." It is evident, that although SIR JAMES GRAHAM approved of the highly improper and indecent conduct of Mr. JOHNSON, and declared it to be “quile satisfactory," he was afraid or ashamed to have the facts published, else he would not have refused his sanction" to the "publication of the correspondence which had taken place on the subject of Mr. DIXON'S complaint against Mr. JOHNSON"-nay, "twice expressly prohibit its publication!" The Home Secretary, no doubt, had the fear of the people of COCKERMOUTH before his eyesremembering his own words at COCKERMOUTH, December 8, 1830:-" If I tell you what it is that actuales me in my public life, it is to secure the continuance of your approval. I always say to myself. when some tempting ambition would lead me to a new course, WHAT WOULD THEY SAY AT COCKER MOUTH?""

What they have said at COCKERMOUTH about this prison affair, Mr. OASTLER knows not ; but if Mr. JOHNSON is not removed from the Commission of the Peace, for the dirty part he has performed, Mr. OASTLER will be astonished. But at all events, if he should again dare to obtrude, without knocking at the door, when the debtor and his wife are together, Mr. OASTLER does hope, in that case, that Mr. JOHNSON will be saturated with that which shall be nameless.

As to the Home Secretary, Mr. OASTLER must leave him to be dealt with by "they" of COCKERMOUTH, in such way and manner as will be creditable to their character as Englishmen and Christians.

Mr. BRISCO and Mr. BROWNE have done honour to themselves and their "order"-Mr. ORRIDGE must be gratified at his relative position with the man who was his accuser, who whispered slander in SIR JAMES's ear. The attempt to keep ali secret and then to condemn a public officer unheard, are the worst features in this case:-they prove what SIR JAMES GRAHAM would do, if he had the power! But WHAT WILL THEY SAY AT COCKERMOUTH?" There was a time when it would have broken SIR JAMES GRAHAM's heart, if "they" of COCKERMOUTH had thought unkindly of him. That was when he was telling them that "the DUKE OF WELLINGTON had no regard for the public weal," and was hunting down “THS BIRDS OF PREY." In an ecstacy of exultation being reminded of those Cormorants “by a 'friend' in the crowd," the man of the people," SIR JAMES GRAHAM, exclaimed, Aye, to be sure the LARGE birds of prey-those which soar in the highest regions of the political atmosphere; those are they that I wish to see brought down, not the humbler and lesser birds." Now he, having “soared to the highest regions of the political atmosphere." can pounce upon the humbler and lesser bird,” the Carlisle Gaoler." Verily, SIR JAMES GRAHAM is an altered man! Once he swore, My motto is and ever shall be- ar with the world, but peace with they' of Cockermouth."- Public opinion shall be my spear—your confidence shall be my shield.' When popular opinion is universal, armies are nothing, and power is nothing: that popular opinion must be attended to, when pressed by popular demand." In those days SIR JAMES was a “Ranter"— now he is “a LARGE bird of prey."

"What Do they say at CoсKERMOUTH?"-There is ONE large bird of prey" Mr. OASTLER "wishes to be brought down." Will "they" of COCKERMOUTH aid his efforts?— How say you, men of COCKE.MOUTH?

JAMES MELLOR, at Thomas Broadbent's, Huddersfield, had better communicate his disc to the Prime Minister.

"CORK PROTESTANT OPERATIVE ASSOCIATION.

The weekly meeting of this Association was held on Tuesday evening, the 11th inat., at the Cumberland Room and Protestant Hall. The Venerable the Archdeacon of Ross opened the neeting with prayer, after which the Secretary read the minutes of the last meeting.

"Mr. R. S. Kemp then moved the adoption of a petition to the House of Commons praying for an inquiry into the case of Mr. Richard Oastler, at present confined in the Queen's Prison; seconded by Mr. Young, and carried unanimously."-The Constitution, or Cork Advertiser, April 15, 1843.

CAUSE OF DISTRESS AND ITS REMEDY.

SIR-I write but little and seldom, and should not have troubled you with this letter, had any of the writers of the present day been in my way of thinking. Not being a traveller, I have bad no opportunity, like Mr. Buckingham, Dr. Bowring, or Messrs. Chambers, of collecting information from abroad. I have lived a chequered life, in trade and manufactory, for more than half a century. I have been often on trade's committees, deputations, and the like. My decision is, therefore, drawn from experience. In detailing my views on the above subject, I shall endeavour to be as short as possible, and be willing to give explanation on any point if required. I have long looked for an eminent person who had the penetration to see a little further into this subject than the common scope of arguments made use of. Lord Howick is reported to have said, when speaking of the distress, "The very length of its continuance proved that there must be some cause for it in the organization of society." That cause it is my intention to state, for the information of his Lordship, or any of your readers. I would first remark, that the writers on the above subject appear to consider society on the same footing, and the like reciprocity between employers and employed as it was in former times, without appearing to know that we are now on quite another system, labour being congregated in a way that is new to the world, and which does not seem to have been regarded in its operations on society. If rightly examined, it will be found to throw into the hands of a few an over-balance of power, which cannot be combated with, except by numbers. The evil, therefore, points to its own remedy, by setting against the monopolized power a monopoly in numbers, commonly called a turn-out, which is nothing more than making a bargain which cannot be effected individually. This plainly shows that turn-outs, or strikes, the necessary result of the mill-system, are right in principle; but the misfortune is, they have always been wrong in practice.

The laws for the protection of labour are grounded on individual contract; but of what use are they whilst employers have a power superior to the law? By holding the threat of starvation over their heads, the masters can not only reduce the wages of the labourers, but withhold such part of their earnings with impunity as the law would by no means allow-nay, forbids.

Now let me tell you, good Sir, and it takes but little discernment to know that so long as the laws of the land are eclipsed by the power of the master manufacturers, so long will the working classes keep sinking into poverty and ruin-Corn Law or no Corn Law-Taxes or no Taxes. So it will be.

It certainly is the duty of the Legislature to see that individual contract be maintained and enforced, as labour ought to have its constitutional right, to find its level by individual competition, which, under the system of unregulated machinery, can never be the case.

The working classes might certainly restore individual contract, and improve their condition. without the aid of Government, if they were unanimous, and could obtain the assistance of men of influence and ability. But how can that unanimity be effected? How that aid obtained?

When the market is overdone with goods, a master thus concludes. This stock of mine is too great, it will not do; I will order my agent to sell it at a small sacrifice; I will then reduce my workpeoples' wages, and supply them with more work-a smart run on the market will repay me.” Now, what is taken from the wages is taken out of the market then, and likely for the future, and the additional goods do but add to the redundancy. It is like taking water from the top of a wheel, for the purpose of back-flooding it. It is true he took unfair advantage of his neighbours, but others do the same, so the man must be right, of course. That is his excuse. Diamond cut diamond" -that is the system.

But, then, do you not see the tenour of the thing is in direct opposition to the dictates of common sense, common prudence, and common honesty? If that is not the way to bring a manufacturing country to ruin, I have been long and am yet a mistaken man. Had the Ten Hours Factory Bill been passed when we first asked for it, much distress and affliction would have been prevented.

Suppose the power-loom weavers, last summer, had made friends with what masters they could, and had turned out against the market. instead of against the masters, in not beginning work before Wednesday in each week, four days' wages would be much better than going a begging. The altered state of the market would have proved the sound policy of the matter-buyers would have been at work, and an increase of hands wanted, and other branches would have profited by the example.

I am. Sir,

Your bumble servant,

ELL STREET

AN OLD OPERATIVE.

LETTER LV.

REMEDIAL ARGUMENT CONTINUED.

To J. R. M CULLOCH, Esq.

SIR,-When we argue the interests of nations, and construct the laws of social relationship on principles of equity and truth, there cannot be a doubt that we are under the neces*sity of maintaining an unceasing conflict with the adopted opinions and cherished wishes of the majority of mankind. Hence it occurs that the bare mention of regulation and restriction excites an immense volume of animosity.

People in general are very willing, and, indeed, are very much addicted, to discant on the suffering inflicted ou injured humanity, and the chosen agitators of the day will select it as a topic on which to display much brilliant oratory. They who listen are led to sympathize. Their feelings are aroused to indignation, or melted to pity, and, in many instances, tears will flow in abundance at the recital of wrongs and sufferings which human nature is compelled to endure. When we behold people thus influenced and animated, we feel inclined to believe that their nature is nearly allied to the angelic. But let an allusion be made to the necessity of restraining some darling passion of relinquishing some bad habit-of foregoing some pernicious indulgence-of abaudouing the pursuit of some coveted gain-or of abstaining from some particular course of pleasure, in order to repair the wrongs, to alleviate the sufferings, and to heal the deep and painful wounds of afflicted humanity, and, that moment, the current of sympathy is stopped-tears speedily evaporate, or are driven back to their native founts-those feelings, which, just before, were so tender, so kind, and so deeply sympathetic, sustain a rapid change-soon, very soon, worldly arguments of every kind are adduced, and the meanest sophistries applied, for the purpose of repelling each disagreeable duty; so that we are compelled to adopt the conviction, that between the mere human and the angelic natures no union whatever maintains.

The figurative idea is advanced by some writer, I believe by Luther, that mankind may be compared to a drunken man on horseback, who, if from one side you place upright, is certain to ge over on the other, being inclined to observe every position excepting one, and that is, the erect position. How forcibly this description of human nature is realized to the mind, when we have to treat on the subject on which I am now writing-being that of maintaining the true remedy for social disorder. Numerous are the objections raised, and almost equally numerous are the plans suggested; every method being contended for and persisted in excepting one, and that is, the right. The meaning of almost every petition is-recommend something we like, enforce the observance of something to which our taste is inclined, or which shall conduce to our interest, and then you shall find us willing converts. This is the language held generally, and these, with others of a similar kind, are the arguments usually advanced in Parliament.

In a debate which occurred in the House of Commons a short time ago, on the subject of relieving the distress of the people, an allusion was made—and allusions of such a nature are frequently made to the effects which machinery produces on the condition of the labouring people. On that occasion, Sir John Hanmer, the member for Hull, was pleased to arraign the notion which some persons entertain of controlling and checking the application of mechanical power; and he characterized the notion as insane, because, in his opinion, it was as impossible to control the will of the people on this point, as it was to influence the motions of the Satellites of Jupiter. Such is the Hanmerian doctrine; and as it has for its foundation modern philosophy, or the current cant of the day, professing one object and supporting another, it is desirable to pause, for the purpose of examining its composition.

Now, Sir, I am certain you will agree with me, that the course pursued by Sir John Hanmer involved no argument at all. In fact, it was an especial relinquishment of ail argument. This member did, as all other members do, PROFESS to have in view the well-being, and hence the relief, of the most distressed members of the community. Thus, in conformity with his avowed object, he was bound to have argued, that mechanical power being a source of great and unqualified good to all the people, hence it is sound policy, and our duty, to give every possible encouragement to its increase, because the more we develope its power and apply its assistance, the more will the condition of the people be ameliorated and raised. In connexion with the conclusion he adopted, such should have been the nature of his argument; but of what did his attempt at argumeat, or his insinuation, consist? Why, meerly, that it being. in his opinion, an impossibility to arrest or diminish the application of mechanical power, therefore it was unwise, however requisite it might be, to suggest any such course. The question then arises-What are members of Pariament for? What do they PROFESS to undertake? Assuredly nothing less than exerting all their talent to find out what contributes to the good of the whole community; and having come to a conclusion on these great points, then to advocate, to the utmost of their ability, that which they believe to be true. Now, by the course which Sir John Hanmer adopted, the evil is admitted, but then be maintained, that it is impossible, on this point, to influence or control the popular will. IMPOSSIBLE!! This word-impossible-has too often been found a convenient instrument— it is a soft and capacious shield, behind which faint hearts and narrow capacities delight to take shelter. There they think they occupy safe ground. So it was in this case with Sir John Hanmer. Difficulty and danger assailing and oppressing his spirit, induced despair, and so he chose to desert the ranks of truth, and to range himself on the side of its opponents.

Instead of the scene taking place in the British Parliament, and the warfare being intellectual, I will suppose a case occurring in the army, and in a campaign conducted by the Duke of Wellington. The Duke, after mature deliberation, thinks it right to order a certain formidable position, occupied by the euemy, to be attacked and gained. For this service he selects a sufficient detachment of his army, and resolves on confiding the important trust to a general who, he hopes, will conduct the affair to a successful issue. But this general entertains an opinion, founded on some cause or other, adverse to that of the Duke. Whereupon he first hesitates, then remonstrates, and at last plainly assures bis illustrious commander that it is impossible to dislodge the enemy from the position. Now, I think, that in this case, the Duke would have felt very much surprised and greatly disappointed;