as the vehicles of grammar and science, and enable them to rise, if not in condition, at least in mental attainments: it may be said generally of these, that in one way or another they have been plundered, disabled, closed to the poor, or wholly destroyed by the wealthier classes. Where they exist, the poor are generally admitted only as strangers, or on sufferance, into their own. The poor have been deprived of their commons, their right of pasturage, their small holdings, their little estates, all of which have been sacrificed to the convenience of the wealthier classes, and to the theory of population, wealth, and production. They have been deprived of their little independencies, their little opportunities of bettering themselves. The class just above the labourer has been almost destroyed, and with it innumerable facilities for carrying on the work of social improvement have disappeared. The poor have been deprived of their games, their amusements, and their mirth. An inventive age has multiplied to excess the toys and recreations of the wealthy, till they seem the business of life; while the poor are not to be won and beguiled from sensual indulgence, and are only to be preached and terrified, with tracts and tread-mills, sermons and six months' imprisonment, into an austere, a servile morality, out of which the wealthy have done their best to draw the last smack of relish or sweetness.

"Their daily bread, also, has been made the sport of varying theories and State exigencies, that equally put out of sight natural justice, Christian principle, and the peculiar sacredness of the labouring and suffering classes of mankind: it has been lavished or denied merely as population was to be increased or diminished. The thousands of ancient foundations by which age and poverty were once maintained, not as a burden on the land, but as the army of the Churchnot in base inutility, nor in the cheerless and prayerless walk of the prison, but in the courts of the Lord's House, and in a state and occupation which transcend the dignity and the awful functions of sceptred kings: .nay, the greater part of the alms-houses and charitrble foundations which these later days had permitted them, have been rendered useless to the poor, perhaps absorbed by the Jand-owner, and, at any rate, generally deprived of their religious character."

else."

Now the poor are thrust out of sight into living graves, for we cannot call them aught

"POVERTY IS TREATED AS A SIN OR A LEPROSY, TO BE RESTRAINED TO A PRISON OR A LA

ZARETTO."

"The right of the Christian poor, if they be poor indeed, to a sufficient and dignified maintenance, without disgrace or confinement- A RIGHT WHICH WE HOLD TO BE AT LEAST AS GOOD AND DEMONSTRABLE AS THAT BY WHICH OUR SOVEREIGN WEARS HER CROWN, OR ANY LANDOWNER RECEIVES THE RENT OF HIS LAND, OR THE PARSON HIS TITHE - HAS BEEN UTTERLY REPUDIATED BY THE STATE."

Nay, as I showed you in my last, imprisonment with hardened felons is now awarded by the law of England to the hungry child, who, even in winter, on the eve of Christmas, dares, in the name of his God, to ask his brother Christian for a bit of bread! An Englishman, sworn on the Christian's Bible, is found so base, so cruel, as to enforce that penalty on that crime! So that, in these degenerate, "liberal and enlightened" days, the magistrate has become

"The surly porter wrapt in guilty state,

To spurn imploring famine from the gate!"

The foregoing awful description of the condition of the labouring classes and the poor of England, and of the hardened and rapacious character of the wealthy and their laws, is not taken from the opposition press-it is not copied from the seditious and blasphemous publications which are intended to foster strife and anarchy; all this slavery, plunder, and robbery, is admitted and lamented by the highest organs of the Clergy and Aristocracy-by the strenuous supporters of your Government-by those respectable and talented men, who, if truth would permit, would much rather dwell upon the excellencies and beauties of our laws

upon the honour and generosity of the great, and the happy and prosperous condition of the people. To such warnings, from such quarters, it were well that the Government should listen.

All these acknowledged crimes-these robberies and plunder-this driving the poor from the pale of the Church and the Constitution-this transforming them into slaves, is bad enough; but, Sir, there is something still worse in the present State of England-the soul of the people is enslaved; or the existence, nay, the bare mention of these atrocities, would arouse "the slumbering giant," force him to shake off the nightmare of Philosophy, and demand the restoration of the Christian the Constitutional rights of the poor, in tones so loud, that the Crown would listen and relieve.

Oh, that I knew how to disentangle the mind of England from this bewilderment! -I will not despair-I will still hope against hope.

My mind has been driven to the recollection of all these legal thefts which have been perpetrated by the authors of that law which has consigned poor Crookes to the company of felons! It is impossible to resist the natural suggestion-they, not Crookes, if justice were not driven from her seat, should have been sent to prison. Do you call this treason, Sir? I say, not against the Constitution; but it is treason, and I glory in being a traitor against that system of spurious legislation which has usurped the place of Christian, Constitutional Principle !—it is treason against that accursed Expediency which is the will-o'th'-wisp of the present Government, whose leader solemnly promised a confiding nation, that he would "walk in the light of the Constitution!" While I am the victim of that cursed power, I will not shrink from solemn protestation!Mayhap, in time, my voice will be listened to by my countrymen.

See into what a deplorable state this new-fangled theory of modern foily, self-styled "liberal and enlightened Philosophy," has plunged this once great, prosperous, and happy, because Christian, nation!

Was there ever, till now, such a sight as England, at this moment, presents to a deriding and scoffing world? Read, and answer. I will state nothing which can be debated-every assertion shall meet with responsive admission from yourself. When you have read, answer, Was there ever before, by any nation of the earth, an example of such incongruity, folly, and wickedness combined ?--Such self-delusion, boastfulness, and hollowness?-Would-be-thought greatness and strength with such real poverty and weakness?—Such brag of wisdom with such absolute folly ?-Such pretended security in presence of real danger?

You will not dispute, that the true wisdom of a Government is to adopt such plans as shall promote the prosperity and happiness of the great mass of the people, by enabling them to appropriate to themselves the just reward of their labour; and to regulate production, so as to make it available for the wants of all; you cannot deny, that the people of England are clever, skilful, and industrious; it is beyond dispute, that the last year was one of plenty; our warehouses, garners, and coffers prove that there is enough, and to spare, for all; money is in such abundance, that employment is not found for it-there is an absolute "plethora of riches"-" the coffers of the Bank overflow with bullion" manufactured goods are so redundant, that sales cannot be effected-food is so cheap, that corn and cattle are almost unmarketable. And with all this super

God's name, for a bit of bread, forced me to the contemplation of those laws which have robbed him of his right of relief, and then denied to him the privilege of begging! In pursuing that subject, I was compelled to discover that the great robbery had proceeded, not from the law-breakers, but the law-makers.-Then, my residence here having furnished me with the daily exhibition of your assiduity in prison contrivances for torture, indecency, and degradation, and the fact coming under my own knowledge, by means of your messenger the Prison Inspector, of your anxiety to learn the art of killing bugs, wondering to see a Secretary of State thus employed, I looked over the prison-walls, and, discovering the wretched condition of the people, and the dangerous predicament in which "the strong Government" is placed, I resolved to prove my friendship to you by endeavouring to awaken you out of your mesmeric slumber, and then find you other and more useful employment than new contrivances to annoy poor, unfortunate men and women, who would be loyal, if your acts would permit them.

And now, Sir, I require you to lay aside that supercilious air which gives so much offence to many of your parliamentary supporters. I demand your solemn attention to your victim, who is really better acquainted with the "State of the country" question than yourself. Read over your official oath, and keep it, by restoring to us our constitutional rights, by releasing us from your keeping, by relieving yourself of prison connexion, and restoring us to the protection of the Judges. This your solemn oath requires. Then, Sir, betake yourself to the legitimate, Constitutional, and now onerous duties of your office, resolving fairly and honestly to grapple with the great State question of regulating production and consumption by such rules as will convey to every Englishman his just portion of that superabundant stock which, in the absence of just regulation, benumbs where it might invigorate-impoverishes whom it ought to enrich—and starves those whom it is intended to feed.

That is your duty, not mine. If any man has work enough on his hands, you have. Let the Judges regulate the prisons, whilst you regulate the production and consumption of the empire.

On my own account, I rather rejoice (personal annoyances always excepted) that you are the Keeper of this prison. It is my duty to keep my eye on the motions of my Keeper. Depend upon it, I will be a close observer, and a faithful chronicler.

One hint more, and I have done. If "the strong Government" will not resist the machinations of the Leaguers, there is a spirit now (just now) moving in the soundest minds of England, which will soon convince you that dissent and treason have not overrun England, although they may have intimidated or deluded "the strong Government." The feelers whom Sir Robert Peel sent amongst the agriculturists, have stung where they were intended to inoculate. Now, the recreant expectants are obliged to swallow their own virus. It wont do, Sir Robert-it will not do, Sir James. Verbum sat. You understand me, Sir.

P.S.-Mislaid "Rent-Roll" next week, if possible.-R.O.

Printed by Vincent Torras & Co., 7, Palace Row, New Road, London.

Being Letters to

THE RIGHT HON. SIR JAMES GRAHAM, BART., M.P., Her Majesty's Principal Secretary of State for the Home Department;

"The Altar, the Throne, and the Cottage."-"Property has its duties, as well as its rights." "The Husbandman that laboureth, must be first partaker of the fruits."

"He shall judge the poor of the people, He shall save the children of the needy, and shall break in pieces the Oppressor."

VOL.

III.-No. 3.

LONDON, SATURDAY, JANUARY 21, 1843.

PRICE 2d.

The Queen's Prison.

TO THE RIGHT HON. SIR JAMES GRAHAM, BART., M.P., HER MAJESTY'S PRINCIPAL SECRETARY OF STATE FOR THE HOME DEPARTMENT.

SIR,-When a man has become so elevated as you are, he is apt to be dazzled by his success, and to persuade himself, that that course which has brought him to such elevation, power, and rank, must have been right and honourable. If the age were not corrupt, there might be ground for such belief. At present, however, it is a truth of which you form an example, (I am speaking alone of your public character,) that a man may find his way to the highest honours of the State by paths which are strewed with dishonour, deception, and political juggling.

Were I your enemy and the foe of my country, I might leave you to indulge yourself with the notion, that because you are great you are good-I might suffer my countrymen to imbibe the impression, that because you are a member of a Conservative Government, you are, consequently, Conservative of the Institutions which you have sworn to maintain. In either case I should be guilty of wrong.

It is the duty of a public writer to handle subjects in the spirit of truth, and, at all risks, to guard against leading those he would instruct into the path of error. It is essentially my duty to you, to prevent you, if that be possible, from "laying the flattering unction to your soul," that you have succeeded in deluding those whom you are appointed to govern.

I am not, at present, about to trace your wanderings, and to cull from your different speeches proofs of your chameleon propensity. Those exhibitions of your craftiness will be more fully displayed in future numbers. Just now, I am anxious, by the shortest means, to remove from your mind that self-delusion which is operating to your own great detriment, and is exhibited in your habit of treating those of your party who are your equals in rank, and your superiors in political consistency, (those very men by whose influence in their different localities you have been raised to power,) with a superciliousness almost amounting to disdain.

The fact that such respectable and influential men receive your insults with

out retort, is calculated to induce in your mind a conviction that they have an extremely elevated opinion of your talents, character, and principles, and that they submit to your incivility from reverence to your worth.

I am in a condition, Sir, to endeavour to correct this self-delusion. I can assure you, that the only motives which restrain them are the peculiar circumstances under which the Premier found himself compelled to coalesce with you, and the consequent extraordinary position of what they call "The Party." It is true, that nothing would gratify them so much as your removal from the office which they conceive to be disgraced by your tenure, although, at present, they fancy themselves not strong enough to get rid of you.

Think not that you are not known-think not that your character is not duly appreciated by those who, being the dupes of Expediency, now support you. The following facts will, I hope, serve to dispel the delusion under which you may now be labouring; at all events, they will exhibit to the nation the true public character of the Secretary of State for the Home Department.

I was talking this very day with as sound a Tory as ever lived-with one who is a sincere Christian and an ardent friend to the Church and the poor. He was expostulating with me on the folly of hoping to convince you of the error of your ways. That friend of mine was the intimate associate of Wilberforce and Canning.

His words were: "There is hope of a man who, having seen and confessed his faults, embraces truth-there is none of one who, having been in error, now unites himself with those who were always his opponents, professing all the while that he has not changed his principles. Sir James the Reformer was as democratic and revolutionary as Thomas Paine himself—Sir James the Conservative professes to be attached to the Monarchical and Christian Institutions of England-but Sir James the Home Secretary, says, 'I am not changed.'" My friend added, "Your labour is all in vain, Mr. Oastler; there is no hope of Sir James Graham."

Such is the judgment of one who is capable of forming a correct opinion of public men-of one whose talents and respectability endeared him to the statesmen whom I have named. Such is also the opinion, as I have the meaus of knowing, of the very kernel of the Conservative party.

Hear another anecdote about yourself. You are often, and are likely to be still more frequently, the subject of conversation in my cell. Yes, Sir, you may exercise your tyranny upon me, but you cannot break the link which unites me to your most influential supporters.

A few weeks ago, (it was since I became your victim,) a dear friend of mine, a barrister and an author, said to me:-"I was lately in conversation with Sir E." [That Baronet is more eminent for his writings than for his senatorial achievements.] "I observed, "This is an age without one great man.'' By no means,' answered the Baronet; we have one great man.'- Who is he?' I inquired. Sir James Graham; he is a great man,' was the answer of my friend. -I was amazed. I looked astonished. I said, 'Sir James Graham! He a great man! You are joking, Sir E.'-'No! I am not joking,' in a very serious tonc, was the reply. Do explain yourself. I cannot imagine that you really believe Sir James Graham to be a great man.'-The Baronet continued: 'I have