affured him of it; or however probable he would perfuade us it is; and we muft of neceffity lay out of the cafe all partial confiderations perfonal to L- Thimleif, because evidently, these are all on the fide of his accepting; fo much fo, that their not having had their natural and common effect, only proves the ftrength of the real obftacles, as well as that they were of a different kind.

It is not really fo hard, I think, to find out the true reafon of L- T-'s refufal, as 'tis to affign any other that can bear the teft of reafon. What could it be, but an apprehenfion of the impoffibility to do his King and country that fervice, which an honest man would wish to do in the itation he declined, and that the Pub. lic has a right to expect from every man who goes into it?

The LN-d, we may fuppofe, knew more of the real fituation of things than the Public at large can. But to what has been obferved in the progrefs of these animadverfions, little needs be added to evince that his apprehenfions were not groundless. Stronger evidence cannot be required of the continued afcendant of L-B-, and that his aim was still to maintain an abfolute dominion over this country, by being master of any Miniftry, to decide their fate, not according to their conduct towards the nation, but according to their fubmiffion to him.

This must refolve all government into the mere arbitrary will and pleasure of the Favourite, and make the best administration that could be formed unstable as water, fo that it cannot excel. Who does not feel, that this inftability has already made us the fcorn of all Europe, and the fport of our enemies, to whom it gives confidence in proportion as it enfeebles ourfelves? Nor can there be an end of it, or of its unhappy confequences, but by the annihilation of the influence of the Favourite. The title has been inaufpicious in all examples; and those who now decline the fervice of their country, may with great propriety make their defence in the words of Charles the Firft's Parliament, concerning the Duke of Buckingham, when they faid to that unhappy King, "We protest to your Majesty, and to the whole world, that till this perfon he removed from intermeddling in the affairs of ftate, we are out of hope of any good fuccefs."

I know L. B. denies that he has intermeddled, fince he quitted office. But why does he deny it? In defence against the charge of the late Minifters, of breach of folemn engagements he came under to them, even to remove from the K's prefence, which engagements, it seems he cannot difpute. The denial has gained

more credit to the affertion than ever itself did: but it has not made the fact deemed in the leaft doubtful. No body, who knows any thing of late tranfactions, is ignorant, that even in public and national concerns the late Minifter was openly thwarted by L. B-'s friends, whenever his partial affections gave them their tone: and no influence whatever is to be feen but L. B-'s in the whole business of the late change.

Who elfe could have fuggefted the propofition of L———— N- d for the head of the treasury, to make an open refurrection of L. B-'s name, in a perfon dear to him? L. T- might just as well have been inferted in L. B-'s administration revived: and that first modest propofition is a malter-key to all that has followed. Did not L. B- call in the aid of the -of who condefcended to undertake the negotiation? This explained a remarkable vifit which L. Band his brother had shortly before deigned for the first time to make at the levee of a certain perfonage, whom they had before execrated ; and the neglect of whom at court for four years paft, is but a small circumitance, compared to the infults and abuse poured upon him in public, by L. B-'s hirelings.

It has been greatly fufpected that there was an agreement ftipulating protectio to L. B. But there is evidence fufficient, that L. B-called for the new Miniftry; and did he call for a new Miniftry to kill himself, only because he did not like to die by the hands of the old ? If he is killed by any Ministry called by him, he is difappointed, probably deceived; for he did not mean it. He intended once more to thew his power in the formation of another administration.

-The invitation coming virtually from him, implied terms of fubmiffion, and by making, he manifested he could unmake Minilters, and that he would difmifs the new, as he did the old, when he pleafed, that is, when they did not pleafe him. I only alk, if the Ministers

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is a Phoenix, almost without example, and pretty fure not to be much imitated, who is proof against the attractives of power, and can refift the fweets of emolument. And is this, does any body think, done without good reafon? Every effect must have an adequate caufe. It is therefore but fair to conclude, that there muft have been fomething very strong to overbalance fo much of what are the objects of men's keencft purfuits in common: and when one decides against himfelf, and what is thought to be his intereft, it is not just to fufpect, and will probably be hard to prove, that his motives are partial or culpable.

We may, without being in L- T-'s counfels, or pretending to unravel mysteries, fafely fay, he did not want inducements to accept of the great poft, that prefented itself as a fupplicant at his gate, a poft that has often been fought, but feldom, perhaps never refused, and to him added gracious importunity to the powerful arguments of intereft. One capable of fuch refufal, cannot be fuppofed to be wholly deftitute of that laudable ambition natural to great minds, which prompts as well as enables them to fhine in elevated ftations. Laying afide the ties of allegiance, in a trial it is feldom put to; it were very trange, if any fubject could be deaf to the voice, or indifferent to the wishes, of the people of England, in a diftinction fo peculiarly honourable to himself. Not only the noble paffions, but refentments of a lower kind, natural to humanity, if these were worthy of a place in fuch a confideration, might have mov ed him not to decline a triumph over injuries, though he was too great to have felt them. In fhort, duty to his King, his country, as well as to himself, and his friends, had all their feveral claims for his acceptance.

To weigh down all this, the Writer of the Letter has found only one motive, which he puts in the oppofite fcale; but one that, upon cool reficetion, muft appear to have been the leaft capable of having any influence at all: and that is L-T's defire (as he calls it) to fave bis brother Mr. G- in confequence of their reconciliation.

The chance of that was worth no price at all and the difference of the elder brother, without iflue filling the office of the younger with, could be an object, it

fhould feem, of fmall confideration between themfelves. Without much penetration, one might have found out, that a Miniftry that had twice got warning within the month, and that had been called back confeffedly from a prefent neceflity, could not probably ftand long. Any Politician, but fuch an one as the Favourite, who advised to move a whole adminiftration, before he had provided a fucceffor for any one office, would, in order to cover his own defigns as far as he could without fruftrating them, have left the Miniftry he had refolved to get rid of to the natural confequences of that debility, which the convullion they had suffered mutt have produced.

From fuch undeniable evidence of a total withdrawing of confidence, their external support mult of courfe have failed; and their own union very likely have given way, while the most dependent of them were looking each for a plank to fave him felf. Mr. G-, who was least in that fituation, muft rather, if one could guefs, have been tired of his fituation: and if the reconciliation, to which the Writer of the Letter alludes, had any political effect whatever, upon him in fuch circumftances, it might have been a defire to refign, especially to fo agreeable a fucceffor. He thereby would only have fallen into the bofom of his own family, which whatever this Writer thinks, few people will believe was, as he fays, the moft likely way to deprive him of the means of recovering from the fall; if that was any object at all in view.

However, it might reasonably enough be asked this Writer, if he thinks the reconciliation between LT- — and his brother had alfo reconciled L T- to all the old Miniftry? None could well be alarmed with fuch a fufpicion, but those who were conscious, that their own conduct had left them little better pretenfions upon. L-- T's favour, than the members of the late adminiftration whom he leaft affected could have: which was indeed a very material confideration to a number of expectants who looked to the fcramble, incident to a change, in cafe LT had the difpofal of places.

We may therefore, without affuming too much, overlook the foolish motive to which this author afcribes Li's refufal, as worthy of no credit, whoever

affured

affured him of it; or however probable he would perfuade us it is; and we muft of neceffity lay out of the cafe all partial confiderations perfonal to L- T

himfeif, becaule evidently, these are all on the fide of his accepting; fo much fo, that their not having had their natural and common effect, only proves the ftrength of the real obftacles, as well as that they were of a different kind.

It is not really fo hard, I think, to find out the true reafon of L- T-'s refufal, as 'tis to affign any other that can bear the test of reafon. What could it be, but an apprehenfion of the impoffibility to do his King and country that fervice, which an honest man would wish to do in the itation he declined, and that the Pub. lic has a right to expect from every man who goes into it?

The L- N-d, we may suppose, knew more of the real fituation of things than the Public at large can. But to what has been obferved in the progrefs of these animadverfions, little needs be added to evince that his apprehenfions were not groundless. Stronger evidence cannot be required of the continued afcendant of L-B-, and that his aim was still to maintain an abfolute dominion over this country, by being master of any Miniftry, to decide their fate, not according to their conduct towards the nation, but according to their fubmiffion to him.

This must refolve all government into the mere arbitrary will and pleafure of the Favourite, and make the best adminiftration that could be formed unstable as water, fo that it cannot excel. Who does not feel, that this inftability has already made us the fcorn of all Europe, and the fport of our enemies, to whom it gives confidence in proportion as it enfeebles ourfelves? Nor can there be an end of it, or of its unhappy confequences, but by the annihilation of the influence of the Favourite. The title has been inaufpicious in all examples; and those who now decline the fervice of their country, may with great propriety make their defence in the words of Charles the Firft's Parliament, concerning the Duke of Buckingham, when they faid to that unhappy King, "We proteft to your Majesty, and to the whole world, that till this perfon he removed from intermeddling in the affairs of ftate, we are out of hope of any good fuccefs."

I know L. B. denies that he has intermeddled, fince he quitted office. But why does he deny it? In defence against the charge of the late Minifters, of breach of folemn engagements he came under to them, even to remove from the K's prefence, which engagements, it seems he cannot difpute. The denial has gained

more credit to the affertion than ever itself did: but it has not made the fact deemed in the leaft doubtful. No body, who knows any thing of late tranfactions, is ignorant, that even in public and national concerns the late Minifter was openly thwarted by L. B-'s friends, whenever his partial affections gave them their tone: and no influence whatever is to be feen but L. B-'s in the whole business of the late change.

Who elfe could have fuggefted the propofition of L- Nd for the head of the treasury, to make an open refurrection of L. B-'s name, in a perfon dear to him? L. T- might just as well have been inferted in L. B-'s administration revived: and that first modest propofition is a malter-key to all that has followed. Did not L. B- call in the aid of the of who condefcended to undertake the negotiation? This explained a remarkable vifit which L. Band his brother had shortly before deigned for the first time to make at the levee of a certain - perfonage, whom they had before execrated; and the neglect of whom at court for four years paft, is but a small circumstance, compared to the infults and abufe poured upon him in public, by L. B-'s hirelings.

It has been greatly suspected that there was an agreement ftipulating protectio to L. B. But there is evidence fufficient, that L. B—called for the new Miniftry; and did he call for a new Miniftry to kill himself, only because he did not like to die by the hands of the old? If he is killed by any Miniftry called by him, he is difappointed, probably deceived; for he did not mean it. He intended once more to thew his power in the formation of another administration.

-The invitation coming virtually from him, implied terms of fubmithion, and by making, he manifefted he could unmake Minilters, and that he would difmifs the new, as he did the old, when he pleased, that is, when they did not please him. I only alk, if the Ministers

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of the country could fuffer themselves to become Minifters in fuch a manner? Or would they not thereby have acknowledged themselves to be the fervants of the Favourite?

Not men only, but measures are at the option of the Favourite, and upon these the duration of Miniilers depends while he rules. This will not indeed create any difficulty in the way of thofe, who confider the moft momentous employments of the fate only, as provifion for themselves, and a means of providing for their friends. To fuch men any fyftem, Pruffian or Auftrian, or no fyftem, is alike, if they can but keep in their places: and, it is a very comfortable reflection to them, that there is one who can open the fluice of honour to whom, and hut it against whom he pleafes, becaufe fubmiffion to him will always be one great fecurity from the danger of being removed. Thole who can find in their heart to refule great offices, have another fenfe of things. Men who know what the truft of government is, and what the public fervice requires, muft have the means, and fome reasonable profpect of performing it, before they undertake the charge. But fo different is L. B's fcheme from that of those, of whofe fervice their country is now deprived, that they cannot be employed, while his influence is predominant, without adopting his fystem, and abandoning their own views of the national intereft. For they have already had the experience what iffue is to be expected in a conteft with the Favourite's counfels; and need not refume employments only, to encounter the fame difficulties in the public fervice, which obliged them to quit it before.

ftage, he was wonderfully fuccessful in his attempt to get poffeffion of the reins of government.

For that L-T▬▬▬▬▬▬▬▬ and Mr. P— were forced from the K-'s counfels, by an advice of which the declaration of war against Spain was a most ample vindication, though it was a laboured apology for oppofing it. For that the D. of N— after having been induced to concur in chafing away Mr. P, was himself difmilled with ignominy, to leave in fole poffeffion the Favourite, whom his Ghad thought fit, by an act of his own, to bring into a ministerial office, to counterbalance the weight of Mr. P. For that we got a glorious peace, and bought from ourselves an approbation of it, becaufe we were not able to carry on a war, the fucceffes of which, had almost made an end of its expence. For that we dif folved our natural alliances abroad, and renounced all connections with the common caufe of Liberty, and the indepency of Europe, because we are powerful enough to ftand alone, against the moft formidable union we ever law of our ene mies. For that a door was opened without diftinction at home to all the enemies of the K-'s family, because that was the only way to root out Jacobitism, and to introduce into places, those who seemed to think the administration of a Stuart, to which their new loyalty was confined, was the next thing to a reign of that name. And with all these L- B-— might, for ought I know, have yet been the Minifter himself, if his want of courage had not done more for us than our own virtue.

check of his influence. For my part I can blame no man for declining to take part in an adminiftration, which was openly fet up to auction, and at the fame inftant offered to three different fets; that they might bid upon each other, for the beft conditions to the Favourite and his influence; or to fecure the lowest and moft fubmiffive obfequioufness to another,

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in fome respects more formidable, and in that point not less exceptionable, called in, to divide with him, or for fome time to fucceed him in his irrefiftable sway; perhaps to hold it in depofit for him: an adminiftration, the purpofe of appointing which, and the terins of being in it, were only to turn out all thofe who had refifted the Favourite, and to protect his particular friends,whofe attachments were, where their intereft in his favour naturally led T them to be. And fuch must have been the cafe, from the very caufes of the change, and the complexion of the ne1 gociation towards it.

Were we to run through all the end1 lefs train of Difficulties, which a very flight furvey of the fubject might prefent to us, it would not be fo eafy to end as to begin; and we might be led into a theme on which it would be but unpleafant to infift. Great however as the obftacles from the Favourite are, we may certainly pronounce they are not all. A manacled adminiftration cannot be very fuccessful; and every one would not choose to be a minifter, when the whole regal power is configned into the hands of a fubject of a degree above an ordinary fervant, whofe fyltem is not the fame with their's, who are to anfwer for government. Nor would many choose to accept of an office of principal refponfibility, under the controul of one, whom it may not be the lefs neceffary, that it is the more incommodious to oppofe. Wife men, and to fuch I fpeak, will judge what I fay on this head; and to their reflection it is most fit to leave it. We may only remark, that the fluctuations in politics are very ftrange. So we now fee, thofe who were undone by L. B. as the reward for giving him birth, when he was but the embryo of a minifter, come forth at his call, diminished as they are, by various accidents, in weight and numbers; a wretched remnant, whom no experience can make wife, when lured by the tempting bait of emolument, or dazled by the very fhadow of power, if I may afe the expreflion. We fee them alfo act ing under one greater in rank than L. B. from whole power they formerly apprehended fo much danger to their own, that they thought it neceffary to deftroy the high object of their jealoufy, and actually did it.

What the end of conjunctions, in fpite of fuch difcordant qualities, may be, I take not upon me to prophefy. But we may, without the fpirit of divination, fee it is of fome importance in the determination of a judicious perfon, whether to be a minifter or not, what.inftruments there are to act with, if the fervice is undertaken. And what fatisfaction could one promife to himself, if his own principle was a determined oppofition to the favou rite, and many of his affiitants were to be thofe who had been eager to act under the Favourite's Lieutenant, and had warmly preffed him to do the fame, as a pic neer to fecure to them fome inferior teps of promotion, when they could not refolve upon afcending the uppermoft form themfelves, as they afterwards did.

To thefe, the influence of the Favou rite can have been no objection: they feem to be more congenial to him. If they meant to stand upon that ground, we shall fee how long they are able, by proper means, to keep it under their feet. If they defigned to break the yoke, after they are a little confirmed, the event will then hew how far their strength goes, and whether they did well to flight the cautions of thofe, who had themfelves been broken because they would not bɔ-z;. or if they took the molt probable way to gain the defired victory.

As to the fuccefs of public affairs, under fo many difficulties, and when the ftate groans under the weight of its troubles; young adventurers, Militia who have feen no fervice, may hazard an experiment. If they fucceed, they will have great merit, difappoint many, pay them. felves, and prove they did not know their own abilities, when they were fo afraid. to venture the leap. If they fail, they' will lofe no character, and only have to defcend again, till their abilities encrease, improved with the experience they have got, in an unfuccessful attempt.

In the mean time, the boldness some have fhewn in accepting offices, is not yet, fufficiently justified, to warrant us to find fault with others for declining them. Though thefe will not proffitute themfelves to the profit of employments, when they knock at their door, we have no reafon to think they will be backward to encounter the greatest difficulties attending the fituation of their country, when

fuck