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The NORTH BRITON, No. 147.
On the Adminiftration.
una Res

Omnes, compacto rem agunt.

WHILE

PLAUTUS.

HILE liberty is maintained, and juftice impartially diftributed, the people can have no inducement to contend, or break with their rulers; nor is it admiffable, that, in fuch a cale, the multitude can unite in oppofition; becaufe, there is then no common principle which can incite them to action. But it is otherwife with minifiers in general. It is always their interest to aim at a ftate of independence in respect to the nation itfelf, and then they can only have the frowns of him to prevent or withstand, whom (as having no guile in himjeif, can fufpect none in others) they have the art to mislead at their pleasure. We ought not, therefore, to imagine of ministers, in general, that they can be kept in their duty without a proper coercion. Few kingdoms can glory in a Temple, or exult in a Pitt! and fewer ftill can boast of being bleft, for any confiderable time, with thofe upright administrations, as are confequent of the employing of men of fuch patriot principles, and fuch fingular integrity!

In treating, therefore, of minifters, and the means of preferving our liberties against minifterial attempts to fubdue them, we must not take a view of them merely as minifters generally are, but muft enlarge the profpect, and confider them as this nation has always found them to be under the Stuarts: and as it always will find them, when a Stuart has any influence in an English admini. ftration; be it as mafter, minifter, appointer, or recommender. In this light, we are warranted by experience, to declare them to be, men by intereft engaged, and by paffion invited to strip us of our freedom. A Stuart will not, a Stuart cannot be, neither will, nor can he, appoint, or recommend, a minifter of another ftamp. Stubborn facts, indifputable proofs, furnish us with this character of Stuart-kings and Stuart-minifters, and the people must be mad indeed, not to be upon their guard, and to fear every thing that is to be feared, from a fpecie of minifters and minifter-makers, rendered odi

ous and dangerous to a free nation, by so many notorious examples of defpotifm.

When a Stuart is a king or a minister, every act of power must of course, be arbitrary and oppreffive; or, if in appea rance the contrary, be no other than an infidious maik to cover fome fatal defign. A miniftry appointed, or recommended by a Stuart, must be a ministry of flaves, and the tools of oppreffion. Slaves to their nominator, and tools in their conduct. Under fuch a ministry, England must be ever unhappy! ever remonitrating against the neglect of their national interefts abroad, and complaining of a tyrannical exertion of power at home! Under fuch a ministry, prerogative cannot fail of being exalted to the utmott point of elevation! and, from thence, money be extorted from the subject without law!-In such a ministry, peculation muft flourish, corruption be encouraged, convicted corruptors be appointed to othces of the ftate, the higheit criminalities in courtiers overlooked, the finalleft delinquencies in oppofers punished with unrelenting feverity, and profecutions (with all their confequent inflictions) allotted for thofe that venture to arraign the ministerial faction, or who dare to have the temerity to propagate opinions expreffive of liberty, and worthy of freemen!

At fuch a time, too, as this, rambles in our young nobility, and men of fortune, to France, must inevitably be warmly efpoufed, with a view, that being fafcinated with the winning politeness, and captivated with the alluring refpectfulness, of thofe flattering and deceitful people, and being habituated to the fight of monarchial government, our giddy traveling countrymen may blunt their educated averfion to arbitrary power, and perhaps, at length, be tempted to defire (at any rate be led not to oppose) the transfufion of the fpirit of the French conftitution into this free kingdom. To this end, alfo, French customs must be cried up, and French policy exalted to the fkies; French fashions must neceffarily be in vogue, and French ambafladors be allowed (under the fhallow, though pernicious pretence, of the privilege of ambaffadorfhip) to introduce all the tinfel variety of French manufactures, with the moft boundless profufion; that thus intoxicated with every thing that is French, the rifing generation may utterly conquer that

infuperable

infuperable hatred which our fathers, and forefathers inherently bear, and have borne, to the French modes of govern

ment.

From adminiftrations of this complexion, alio, may be reasonably feared and expected (though I cannot fay my memory, furnishes me with any anecdote of the Stuarts, directly to the point) an increase of the pay of the army, if not of the army tfelf; that the foldiers being rendered thus additionally dependant on the court, and stronger attached to the ministry, may be bribed to a firmer support of them and their measures, in cafe any conflitutional refiftance thereto, by the friends of justice and liberty, should make fuch affittance expedient.

Such is the picture of a miniftry conducted, appointed, or influenced by a Stuart !-A ministry in whofe nature it must be to labour at the rooting up of that ever-green, the happy conititution of England, which for to many ages bath withstood the tornadoes of monarchial despotism, and baffled the forms of minifterial policy; till renewing its youth, and fhooting forth, with redoubled verdure, after every tempeft!-Can we be too fedulous to preferve fuch a conftitution? impoffible. We must then inceffantly employ ourselves in reminding our fellow-fubjects of the danger of administrations occupied, or recommended by, fo omnious a name as that of Stu

art.

We must carefully eye their finitrous advances, detect their flagitious aims, point out their threatening confequences, and endeavour to raife in the minds of the people a juft idea, and a just abhorrence, of thofe enemies to human liberty, and human quiet.

But amongst all our efforts to infpire our countrymen with fentiments of this fort, and a vigour of foul truly worthy of themselves, we must never lofe fight of the danger of admiring and imitating all that is French, nor abate of our warmth in expatiating on the confequences that may be productive therefrom, to our commerce, our riches, our morals, and our liberty.

tures are further permitted to be introduced (whether by ambassadors or otherwise) to the extent they have hitherto been, what must have become with our manufacturers in the end? Is not every shilling that is given for French manufactures, fo much clear lofs to the nation? And ought not then, the wear of them, as well as the importation, to be prohibited under the feverett penalties? If we had an adminiftration of oppofite principles to Stuartifm, if we had an administration poffeffed with the genuine foul of patrio tifm, they would, at a time like this. when our manufacturers are perithing for the want of bread, forbid even the ambaffadors of France the wearing in this country the manufactures of their own. Would the French abfolutely refufe? no -if forbidden with the spirit of a Cromwell. Would they retaliate? in fuch a cafe, no-but perhaps there might not be room for fuch retaliation. Would they refent? were we refolute, they durft not. ---But waving this point, (a point pers haps not so romantic as fome will affect to treat it) in a time of neceffity like this, any miniftry, but one of the prefent complexion, would fuffer nothing to escape them that promised an effectual stop to fo enormous an evil.-But I am talking, I fear, to the irreclaimable-I am remon ftrating, furely, to the allies, and not the rivals of France!-elfe why are our fubjects allowed to be driven from DUN. KIRK? Why are they not also forbid to remain in France? Why are they not banifhed from Paris? Why not from Ca. lais, and the other fea ports of France, as well as Dunkirk? The answers are obvious. Is not this a proof, not to be contra, dicted, with what infincerity the French are refolved to use the English where ever their political intereft requires it? If our people in power were no favourers of the french, would they not refent, as Englishmen ought, fuch an iniquitous edict, as this is, relative to Dunkirk?

A fuppofition of a fecret correfpondence between France and fome whofe duty it is to hold no fecret correfpondence with her, has often been advanced in converfation To come at once to the prefent times, and print. I am apt to be apprehenfive that as well in this refpect, as the behaviour of the circumftance will foon admit of no France, the conduct of the favourite, dubiety. Every behaviour of the French and the junto appointed, or recommended is beheld with indifference, and permitted by him; let me atk if French manufac- with impunity. No adequate fcheme is

put

put into execution, for removing the wants of our poor at home; nor any adequate plan is yet propofed, for the employment of the most neceflitous and industrious of them, in those extensive deferts which our negotiators held as a good equivalent for the richest, beft cultivated, and most populous islands, in the WeftIndies, where the planters live in a gaiety, and with a profufion, unknown in any of our own fettlements, not excepting even Jamaica itself.

inattention to our welfare is an attempt) on our existence as a trading people, what can the mercantile part of the nation oppofe, but complaints, petitions, and remonftrances; and if these methods of proceeding are not fully fupported by the unanimous affent of their fellow fubjects, what fruit can be expected from them; when the power and petulance of him who occafions them, are perpetually at work in order to stifle every truth that evil in particular, but every mifery that may be conducive to remove not only this' his mal-administration and practices have brought upon the nation in general?

The NORTH BRITON, No. 148.
Vela nec in medio defere noftra Mari

OVID.

Specimen of a future History of England.›

CALLI

Will any man be fo hardy as to affirm, in defence of the late peace, that if those iflands had been retained, our filk weavers, and all the branches dependent on them, would have been in the deplorable fituation they now are? No, the predominant inclination for fhew or fplendor, fo extremely prevalent in thofe places, must have occafioned in Great Britain (waving that great confideration, the value of their annual imports; which to France, ALLING the other day on a man of this last year, has produced above the a- fense, humour, and peculiarity, of mount of THREE MILLIONS fterling) a my acquaintance, I found him very deepdemand, which our weavers would have ly engaged in writing. "You have scarce been able more then fully to fup- " caught me," fays he, employed in an ply. If this is not a clear view of the "act of great fingularity, in days like cafe, and an ample evidence that the mi-thefe.-I am not, like the miniftry, enferies of our filk and other manufacturers, are, in a great measure, to be placed to the account of "the man who made the peace." I have only to fay, that thofe who cannot perceive it to be fuch, must be fo totally deprived of fight, that even the abilities of Taylor the Oculift of Hatton Garden (fuperior as I believe him to be to every other practitioner) would scarce be found fufficient to rettore it.

"tirely difinterested, or regardless of
"pofterity. For my part, I love to con-
"fer a favour, where I cannot receive
" one.
"the reign of George the third to the
I am now writing an history of
"present day-perhaps I
"it longer-and I intend it as a legacy
may continue
"for my son's great grandfon. No
"Caledonian adminiftration, no time-

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Serving Scotch Judge, no bellowing, " then be able to profecute, perfecute, "bullying, fcottified attorney general, will "and banifh me for writing a libel." I could not help laughing at the quaintnefs of the thought, nor could I refrain from intreating a fight of the work. (he returned)" I muft beg to postpone

The carriage of the French on, and about the island of Newfoundland, gives us another instance of the excellent method of proceeding of the prefent adminiftration. The infractions, the intrusions, of France, are so numerous, and fo notorious, that even our fifberies at Newfound land, our commerce with the Indians on thofe coafts, and our property in that invaluable island itself, are in danger of being loft for ever. Yet what notice has the miniftry taken of them?—I will be bold to fay, only fuch as rather tends (I" will abfolutely fay is meant) to encourage our rivals in their enterprizes upon thofe valuable branches of our traffic, which are undeniably the basis of our maritime power.

To thefe ministerial attempts (for even

"That

I have not yet put the finishing stroke " to it. But here-let me fee-ay, here," "[putting a manufcript page "hand] here is a part of what vou may in my "call, if you please, an exordium, or a bill of Fare."

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mitted to cut down, and carry off, logwood, at Honduras, &c. unmolested→ but they are not. Befides these, various other infractions of the peace take place at Newfoundland, Tortuga, &c. &c. and the ranfom bills of the Manillas are refufed payment by the Spani

meet with, what is very feldom to be niet with, a prince replete with every royal, and a minifter fraught with every patriot virtue. From a junction of this nature, every thing that can be ho'ped for is to be expected-and fo it will appear to have happened-but it was too bot to bold. An unworthy favou-ards. Yet all thefe, the adminiftration

rite ftruts on the ftage of politics, and obliges the honeft minister to make his final exit. At this era, the reader will find the favourite minifter and his affociates carrying all before him. They fcorn the use of art, and spurn at diffimulation-What unparalled honefty!This hopeful administration make their approaches against public liberty in the < most open and unprecedented manner. The houses of private perfons, are, on every flight occafion, violently entered, ranfacked and fearched. Perfecutions upon the prefs are carried on with fuch violence, that periodical writers dare not state the true difference between a rebellious and a conftitutional resistance, or teach the true principles on which ⚫ government in general is founded; leaft any harangues of this fort, fhould be • deemed feditious attempts upon the peace

of the kingdom. Unlawful taxations in the colonies are impofed by ministerial authority, by virtue of that fhallow of all fhallow pretexts (in the British conftitution] the king's prerogative only; < and if masters of Thips, though by ignorance merely, neglect to comply with e< very new form fet up in their custom houfes there, the veffels and cargoes are forfeited; notwithstanding the ordinance with respect to the payment of the money is complied with. Nor is the honour of the nation abroad more attended to by the miniftry, than her liberties are at home. A peace is patched up that aftonishes all Europe; inafmuch as it disgraces the greatest series of fucceffes that ever any nation was bleffed with. Nor are the French and Spaniards content even with advantages that it gives them. They break through all ties of honour and public faith. The treaty fpecifies that the fortifications and harbour of Dunkirk fhall be totally de• ftroyed - but they are not. That the bills due from France to the Canadians (become fubjects of the British empire) fhall be paid-but they are not. the fubjects of England fhall be per

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fuffer with the moft pufillanimous tamenefs, or bafely permit from a motive of a more infamous nature. It is true, they oppofe thefe breaches of treaty with renionftrances; but with remonstrances of the most cobweb-texture, meant to 'catch the flies at home, but not to entangle thofe of France and Spain. But what will appear the most remarkabe circumftance of all, the reader will fee the people of England at this period of time, fo extremely difpirited, and their temper fo amazingly changed from the 'difpofitions of their ancestors, that they calmly bear this load of ministerial treafon on their rights, without embracing every constitutional method to precipitate it from their fhoulders; although they are bleffed with a fovereign whofe love of his fubjects is full as confpicuous, as the oppressions of his ministers are notorious

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"Well, Sir," (says my friend, inter"rupting me) "what are your thoughts "of my undertaking?" I told him that it would be incumbent on him to confider well, what the miniftry affert in support of their measures, and endeavour to confute it in the progrefs of his work: That they vehemently affirm, that the spirit of difcord which had gone forth among the people upon the difmiffion of Mr. Pitt, made it indispensably necessary for the new miniftry to conclude a peace at any rate; and that the continuance of the fame fac tious spirit in the kingdom, as well as the exhaufted fate of the finances, obliged the adminiftration to overlook infractions in our late enemies, which, in other circumfances, they would have refented with a becoming vigour." How, Sir, what !" (fomewhat impatiently)" do I hear you,

Mr. North Briton, you harangue in fa"vour of the ministry?-But I have done "blefs me! - but "-(warmly)—“ I That" will speak, even though you were a Spy "and an informer.-Is not the answer to

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“ this ministerial apology at hand? Do "government!-It is to oppressive, un.
we not, Sir, know the man who by an "popular administrations only, that the
" iniquitous distribution of favours, has "people pay their taxations with reluct-
"treated the most important part of the " ance. The people of England, good
people as though they were Aliens, and "Mr. North Briton, never pay attention
"had no right to claim a fhare in the "to expence when they are perfectly fa
"royal favour? Can we not name the "tisfied that the money is levied, and
man who gave rise to the most just fuf" will be expended, for the advantage of
picions of his conduct, by entering into "the nation. But when, Sir, (excufe.
"a private negotiation with our enemies" me if I am too warm) when, I fay,
"to blaft our laurels, and curfe the king-"they have reason to fear that their own.
"dom with an inglorious treaty? Did " money will be used for very opposite
"not the fame man, after, publicly con- " purposes, then, and then alone, they
tinue the negotiation, and in defiance" are unwilling to furnish fupplies which
"of the most univerfal diffatisfaction" they have reason to apprehend will be
thereat, terminate it in a peace which "turned against themselves: Then, and
"has robbed us of our military glory," then only, doth the English nation com
"checked our commerce, starved our "plain of hard times, heavy taxes, and
"manufacturers, and spread an artificial" oppreffive minifters.
"famine all over the land? Can we not "In my opinion of things (conti-
"affert with truth, that the fame man," nued my friend) the fenfe of the public
"when he had thus fatally verified all" is to the kingdom in general, what the
"our fufpicions of his corruptnefs of "glandula pinealis, or feat of the nerves,
"heart, withdrew from before the cur- "is to the natural body. It is the great
❝tain, that he might the more fafely go "national fenforium. No man, in his
son, with the fame malicious rancour, ❝right fenfes, complains of sickness
"behind? Was it not in this man's "when nothing ails him; nor does any
power to have entombed, at it's birth, "nation, not compofed of madmen,
this fpirit of difcord (as it is infamouf- "complain of oppreffion, when their laws
"ly termed) which is made the pretext
"and liberties are maintained. The En-
for a fhameful peace, and the more "glifh people have too much wisdom to
"fhameful fubmiffions to injuries that "complain when they are not oppreffed,
have followed? Would not the real" and have too much spirit to be filent
abdication of his power have effected" when they really are. Mr. Pitt's ad-
that point, at the first appearance of "miniftration is an evidence, never to be
this difcontent? The ministry may "refuted, that the prefent generation of
talk as they pleafe, Sir, but it is a "Englishmen raise the neceffary funds
"felf-evident affertion, that to the obfti- "with pleasure, when they know that
"nate perfeverance of this man, in the "thofe fupplies will be expended for the
maintaining of that power he had fo ra- " fupport of the national intereft and na-
pidly feized, is entirely to be attribu- "tional honour. The alacrity with
ted, the divifion between the adminif" which they maintained the German
tration and the people, and the want "war is a manifeft proof of their bound-
"of those inexhauftable resources which "lefs love for their king, and their fincere
a popular minifter is always fure to "concern for the Proteftant religion and
find. The miniftry complain of an "the liberties of mankind. That war
"exhausted exchequer and a male con- " will forever teftify for them, that their
tent people; did a popular adminiftra- "veneration for good princes, upright
❝tion ever do the like? The univerfal "minifters, and oppreffed allies, is fcarce-
applaufes of a nation are the only really less than enthufiaftic; fo that, what-
"riches of a minifter, and he who is bleft" ever may be alledged of other Europe.
"with that infallible mark of real worth," an nations, it is inconteftible, that the
❝will, in England, never be at a lofs for prefent race of Englishmen, carry loy-
"neceffary cash to carry into execution "alty to their fovereign, affection to
"the most formidable expeditions, or the "popular minifters, and regard to public
"moft public spirited plans, and much “faith and public freedom, to their ut-
"lefs to defray the ordinary expences of " termoft lengths. And heaven loudly
May, 1765.
Pp
(6 approved

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