appears among his memorandums, was on the 23d of January, 1759. Johnson now found it necessary to retrench his expences. He gave up his house in Gough-square. Mrs. Williams went into lodgings. He retired to Gray's-Inn 2, and soon removed to chambers in the Inner Temple-lane, where he lived in poverty, total idleness, and the pride of literature 3. Magni stat nominis umbra. Mr. Fitzherbert (the father of Lord St. Helen's, the present minister at Madrid) a man distinguished through life for his benevolence and other amiable qualities, used to say, that he paid a morning visit to Johnson, intending from his chambers to send a letter into the city; but, to his great surprise, he found an author by profession without pen, ink, or paper. The present Bishop of Salisbury was also among those who endeavoured, by constant attention, to sooth the cares of a mind which he knew to be afflicted with gloomy apprehensions. At one of the parties made at his house, Boscovich', the Jesuit, who had then lately introduced the Newtonian philosophy at Rome, and, after publishing an elegant Latin poem on the subject, was made a Fellow of the Royal Society, was one of the company invited to meet Dr. Johnson. The conversation at first was mostly in French. Johnson, though thoroughly versed in that language, and a professed admirer of Boileau and La Bruyère, did not He did not go to Lichfield. He was on the point of setting out when the news came of her death. Life, i. 514; Letters, i. 81; ante, p. 22. 2 He moved first to Staple Inn, on March 23, 1759. Letters, i. 86. He was in Gray's Inn in the following December (ib. p. 88) and in Inner Temple Lane in June, 1760. Life, i. 350. In neither of the two Inns are his rooms known. 3 'I have been told,' says Hawkins (p. 383), ‘by his neighbour at the corner, that during the time he dwelt there more inquiries were made at his shop for Mr. Johnson than for all the inhabitants put together of both the Inner and Middle Temple.' 'Stat magni nominis umbra.' Pharsalia, i. 135. Windham (Diary, p. 18) jotting down Johnson's talk at Ashbourne, writes:-'Stat magni nominis umbra would construe as Umbra quae est magni nom. h. e. celebrata? 5 Life, i. 82; iii. 148; Letters, i. 45, n. 6; ante, p. 256. 6 Dr. Douglas. Ante, p. 397. ' Boscovitch. Life, ii. 125, n. 5. * See ante, p. 334, where he condemned Mrs. Thrale for preferring La Bruyère to the Duke of Rochefoucault. understand understand its pronunciation, nor could he speak it himself with propriety. For the rest of the evening the talk was in Latin. Boscovich had a ready current flow of that flimsy phraseology with which a priest may travel through Italy, Spain, and Germany. Johnson scorned what he called colloquial barbarisms. It was his pride to speak his best. He went on, after a little practice, with as much facility as if it was his native tongue. One sentence this writer well remembers. Observing that Fontinelle at first opposed the Newtonian philosophy, and embraced it afterwards, his words were: Fontinellus, ni fallor, in extremå senectute fuit transfuga ad castra Newtoniana1. We have now travelled through that part of Dr. Johnson's life which was a perpetual struggle with difficulties. Halcyon days 2 are now to open upon him. In the month of May 1762, his Majesty, to reward literary merit, signified his pleasure to grant to Johnson a pension of three hundred pounds a year. The Earl of Bute was minister3. Lord Loughborough, who, perhaps, was originally a mover in the business, had authority to In a note on the fourteenth of Voltaire's Lettres sur les Anglais we read :-'Lorsque cet article a été écrit (1728) plus de quarante ans après la publication du livre des Principes, toute la France était encore cartésienne.' On Newton's death in 1727 Fontenelle spoke the 'Éloge' on him in the Academy of Sciences. 'On attendait en Angleterre son jugement comme une déclaration solennelle de la supériorité de la philosophie anglaise; mais quand on a vu que non seulement il s'était trompé en rendant compte de cette philosophie, mais qu'il comparait Descartes à Newton, toute la Société royale de Londres s'est soulevée.' Euvres de Voltaire, ed. 1819, xxiv. 67. In 1738 Voltaire was refused in France the imprimatur for his Élémens de Newton. He printed it in Holland. Ib. xlvii. pp. 141, 165. 'In a Latin conversation with the VOL. I. E e Père Boscovitch,' writes Dr. Maxwell, His halcyon days brought forth son's Dictionary. 3 It was in the month of July. On July 24, Johnson wrote to Miss Porter: Last Monday I was sent for by the Chief Minister the Earl of Bute, who told me that the King had empowered him to do something for me,' &c. Letters, i. 92. See also Life, i. 376. 4 Lord Bute told me,' writes Boswell, that Mr. Wedderburne, now Lord Loughborough, was the person mention mention it. He was well acquainted with Johnson; but, having heard much of his independent spirit, and of the downfall of Osborne the bookseller, he did not know but his benevolence might be rewarded with a folio on his head. He desired the author of these memoirs to undertake the task. This writer thought the opportunity of doing so much good the most happy incident in his life. He went, without delay, to the chambers in the Inner Temple-lane, which, in fact, were the abode of wretchedness. By slow and studied approaches the message was disclosed. Johnson made a long pause: he asked if it was seriously intended? He fell into a profound meditation, and his own definition of a pensioner occurred to him3. He was told, 'That he, at least, did not come within the definition.' He desired to meet next day, and dine at the Mitre Tavern. At that meeting he gave up all his scruples. On the following day Lord Loughborough conducted him to the Earl of Bute. The conversation that passed was in the evening related to this writer by Dr. Johnson. He expressed his sense of his Majesty's bounty, and thought himself the more highly honoured, as the favour was not bestowed on him for having dipped his pen in faction. 'No, Sir,' said Lord Bute, 'it is not offered to you for having dipped your pen in faction, nor with a design that you ever should. Sir John Hawkins will have it, that, after this interview, a dependant.' These definitions remain in the fourth edition, corrected by Johnson in 1773. I had learnt that his place of frequent resort was the Mitre tavern in Fleet-street, where he loved to sit up late, and I begged I might be allowed to pass an evening with him there soon, which he promised I should.' Ib. i. 399. 5 In the review of Hawkins's Johnson in the Monthly Review, lxxvi. 375, no doubt written by Murphy, it is not design but desire. Murphy adds:-'On the next day Mr. Murphy was in the Temple soon after nine; he got Johnson up and dressed in due time; and saw him set off at eleven.' Johnson Johnson was often pressed to wait on Lord Bute, but with the best in the kingdom.' Johnson, you have me in the toil: to Lord 'The Earl of Bute, 'There, Sir,' said Bute I must allow whatever praise you may claim for him.' Ingratitude was no part of Johnson's character. Being now in the possession of a regular income, Johnson left his chambers in the Temple, and once more became master of a house in Johnson's-court, Fleet-street'. Dr. Levet, his friend and physician in ordinary, paid his daily visits with assiduity; made tea all the morning, talked what he had to say, and did not expect an answer. Mrs. Williams had her apartment in the house, and entertained her benefactor with more enlarged conversation. Chemistry was part of Johnson's amusement. For this love of experimental philosophy, Sir John Hawkins thinks an apology necessary. He tells us, with great gravity, that curiosity was the only object in view; not an intention to grow suddenly rich by the philosopher's stone, or the transmutation of metals. To enlarge his circle, Johnson once more had recourse to a literary club. This was at the Turk's Head, in Gerrardstreet, Soho, on every Tuesday evening through the year 3. The members were, besides himself, the right honourable Edmund Burke, Sir Joshua Reynolds, Dr. Nugent, Dr. Goldsmith, the late Mr. Topham Beauclerk, Mr. Langton, Mr. Chamier, Sir John Hawkins, and some others. Johnson's affection for Sir Joshua was founded on a long acquaintance, and a thorough 1 Life, ii. 5. For his house in Bolt Court into which he moved in the winter of 1775-6 he paid £40 a year rent. Wheatley's London, i. 216. Hawkins, p. 413. Hawkins adds that 'Johnson had for a laboratory the garret over his chambers in the Inner Temple; he furnished that with an alembic, with retorts, receivers, and other vessels adapted to the cheapest processes.... From the dregs of strong beer he was able to extract a strong but very nauseous spirit, which all might smell, but few chose to taste.' See ante, pp. 307, 408. 3 It was on Monday evening that the Club met. In Dec. 1772 the night was changed to Friday. Life, i. 478, n. 3; Hawkins, p. 415. 'The object of all clubs is either drinking or gaming, but commonly both.' Chesterfield's Letters, ed. 1845, ii. 425. If this is true Johnson and Rey nolds instituted a new kind of club. The original members were the nine mentioned. Ante, p. 230. For those who joined afterwards, see Life, i. 478, n. 2, 479 In the Malone MSS. in the British '9. Sir John Hawkins. Withdrew s- [MS. im- 'Sr John Hawkins sent to According to Sir Joshua Reynolds, knowledge |