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the feudal chiefs attempted to outshine his neighbour in the pomp of his domestic establishment, or in the splendour of his military array. The wealth obtained by royal grants, hereditary titles, or successful plunder, was profusely lavished away in tilts and tournaments, and various other festive entertainments, which frequently terminated in brutal intemperance, or sanguinary feuds.

Collected from Eedmer. Simeon Dunelm. Anglia Sacra. W. Malmbs. Gervas, &c. &c.

REFLECTIONS.

As the period of English history, which has been reviewed in the foregoing essay, is that in which the feudal system rose to its utmost height in this country, a favourable opportunity is afforded of estimating the political, moral and religious influence of that system. It manifestly tended to dissolve all the bonds of society, and to introduce anarchy on the one hand, and slavery on the other. It sowed abundantly the seeds of civil discord and political corruption. It tended to perpetuate hostilities between the subjects of the same government, and the members of the same social body. The lower classes of society, on whose industry and comfort the welfare of a state must ever depend, were reduced by this unjust system to a state of abject servitude; and the sovereign himself became not unfrequently the servant of his haughty barons, who continually encroached on his prerogative, and refused obedience to his laws. They exercised supreme jurisdiction within their respective territories, assumed to themselves the right of carrying on war with their private enemies without the sanction of the king, and of making reprisals on the property of their neighbours, without being subject to the penalties of criminal or civil law. In such a state of things, the blessings of a well-regulated government could not possibly be enjoyed. Universal anarchy must have prevailed, wherever this impolitic system extended.

But the moral influence of this system was still more injurious than its political tendency. The laws of chivalry, which were recognised by the feudal barons, threw indeed a flimsy veil of courtesy, and even of generosity, over the external character; but the records of that age afford the most abundant evidence, that iniquity of every kind then attained its rankest growth, and that all the foundations of morality and virtue were out of place. The system itself tended to cherish and strengthen the worst passions of a depraved heart. Pride, lawless ambition, jealousy, revenge, and a thousand other malignant tempers were fostered by it. Rapine and violence, voluptuousness and perjury, were the baneful fruits it produced among all orders of society. The spirit of domination corrupted the nobles, and the yoke of servitude debased the people, till both became alike degenerate and vile.. The history of all those nations, among whom this system prevailed, presents the most afflicting detail of atrocious crimes, which almost exceed belief, and to which it would be difficult to find a parallel in any other age.

Morality and genuine Christianity must ever be united; whatever tends, therefore, to injure the one must be, in an equal degree, prejudicial to the other. It is not surprising, though it may be painful, to find, that Christianity, so far from having advanced, became more corrupt both in doctrine and practice, than during even the darkest period of the Saxon dynasty; and that dogmas the most absurd were now propagated by authority throughout the land. If a judgment were formed of the religious character of that age, by the enthusiastic ardour of the crusaders or the zeal of the clergy in defence of their pretended rights or the multitude of books written on casuistical divinity-it might perhaps be imagined, that religion occupied a prominent place in the minds of the statesmen and scholars of that day. But when the priestly ambition-the secularizing spirit—the worldly conformity, and the licentious habits of these devotees and zealots, are taken into the account, the conclusion becomes obvious, that the religion for which they contended so zealously, was indeed another gospel, and not the gospel of Christ.

While we contemplate such a period with unfeigned sorrow, our regrets are mingled with gratitude and joy. Compared with the barren waste which we have just trodden, it may be truly said, "the lines are fallen to us in pleasant places-we have a goodly heritage." What thanks are due to the Father of mercies," from whom comes every good and perfect gift," for the invaluable blessings of civil and religious liberty with which we are favoured, though our forefathers did not enjoy them! How earnestly solicitous should we be, to bring forth fruit in proportion to our increased privileges! For "herein is our heavenly father glorified, that we bring forth much fruit." Let us not be unmindful, that whilst a tremendous curse impends over that land," which drinketh in the rain that comes oft upon it,' and yet brings forth nothing but thorns and briars"-that which brings forth fruit to perfection and in abundance, "receives a blessing from God," and shall continue to enjoy the protection of his providence, and the plenitude of his heavenly grace.

66

Studies in History.

THE HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

PERIOD THE FOURTH.

THE PLANTAGENETS, INCLUDING 118 YEARS.

ESSAY I.

The Reign of HENRY II. (surnamed Plantagenet), from his Accession to the Murder of Archbishop Becket.

FROM A. D. 1154 To A. D. 1170.

THE Consequences of irregular succession and usurpation had been so severely felt during the late calamitous reign, that the English were disposed to receive, with the utmost cordiality, a prince whose title was undisputed, and in whom the Saxon and Norman lines were united. This prince was Henry Plantagenet, the eldest son of the empress Matilda, who was the only daughter of Henry I., by Matilda of Scotland, à lineal descendant from Edmund Ironside, Besides this hereditary right of succession, prince Henry founded an additional claim to the throne of England after the death of Stephen, on the treaty which had been concluded with that sovereign, to the execution of which all the chief persons in the kingdom were solemnly pledged. Nor were these the only circum

stances which tended to strengthen his interest and secure to him the affections of all classes of his subjects. His splendid talents formed a striking contrast to the incapacity of prince William, the only surviving son of the late king, who alone could enter into competition with him. for the crown. The principal fortresses in the kingdom had long been in the possession of his partisans, and were garrisoned by troops devoted to his interests. The numerous provinces that already formed his continental dominions were wealthy and flourishing, fully adequate to supply the requisite means for the invasion of England, should it be found necessary to appeal to the sword in vindication of his undoubted rights.

On these grounds, Henry felt himself so secure, that when the unexpected intelligence of Stephen's death reached him, he did not imitate the rapid movements of his predecessors; but continued in Normandy six weekslonger, till he had finished the siege of a castle on the frontiers of that province, belonging to one of his refractory barons. He arrived in England on the 8th of December, 1154, amidst the acclamation of his subjects; and on the 19th of the same month was crowned, together with his consort Eleanor, by Theobald, archbishop of Canterbury.

The measures adopted by this sovereign, immediately after his accession, were such as fully to justify the high expectations which his youth had inspired. He dismissed the foreign mercenaries employed by the late king, whose conduct had been most licentious and oppressive; and trusted the defence of the kingdom to its own militia. Many of the castles, which had been built during the late civil wars, and become the haunts of freebooters and traitors, were utterly razed. The coin of the realm, which had been greatly debased, was restored to its former state, and a standard fixed by which it should be regulated in future. Those grants of royal demesnes, which had been extorted from the weakness and fears of his predecessors, were now revoked, not in an arbitrary and unconstitutional manner, but with the consent and by the authority of the parliament, or great council of the nation, which then consisted only of the nobles and

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