Page images
PDF
EPUB

its position that "the workers of Europe have no quarrel with one another." In 1916 the party split on the war issue, the pro-war group under Hyndman forming the National Socialist Party. The Fabian Society left its members free to act as they chose, although its representatives on the British Section of the International generally accepted the policy of the majority.

Germany.— For a few days after the outbreak of the war, the Berlin Vorwaerts bitterly attacked the action of the government, particularly holding up to scorn the attitude of the officials toward Russia. Formerly, it declared, socialists were arrested for insulting the Czar. Now the Germans are told that Czarism must be crushed. The Vorwaerts contended that Russia had changed greatly during the last few years, and that it was no longer a stronghold of reaction, but a land of revolution.

On August 3, however, a majority of the socialist members of the Reichstag met with a few other members of the party and decided, against the opposition of fourteen of their number, to vote for the war budget. Haase, the leader of the group, Karl Liebknecht, Franz Mehring, Rosa Luxemburg, Clara Zetkin and Karl Kautsky were among the dissenters, but, under the unit rule, on the following day, all of the Social Democrats in the Reichstag voted with the majority. Haase, in presenting the case of the majority in the Reichstag, declared that the Social Democrats were in no way responsible for the war. He based their support of the war after its outbreak on their fear of a Russian victory. He said in part:

[ocr errors]

'As far as concerns our people and its independence, much, if not everything, would be endangered by a triumph of Russian despotism.

...

"It devolves upon us, therefore, to avert this danger, to

shelter the civilization and independence of our native land. Therefore, today we must justify what we have already said, In its hour of danger Germany may ever rely upon us.

"We take our stand upon the doctrine basic in the international labor movement, which at all times has recognized the right of every people to national independence and national defense, and at the same time we condemn all war for conquest. We hope that as soon as our opponents are ready for negotiations, an end will be made to the war and a state of peace induced which will make possible friendly relations with our neighbors."

In Austria it was difficult for the socialists to make their stand clear. The Arbeiter Zeitung, the official Austrian paper, on August 23, came out in support of the war, "in order that the people shall not be conquered." Later the Austrian deputies voted against the war budget. In Hungary, the socialist position was largely one of opposition.

Russia. Perhaps the most daring of the acts of European socialist representatives after war broke out was that of the fourteen Social Democratic members of the Duma, who abstained from voting for the war budget, issued a statement against war and left the Duma followed by members of the Labor Party. The statement of the Social Democrats at this Duma meeting of August 8 maintained that the hearts of the Russian workers were with the European proletariat; that the war had been provoked by the policy of expansion for which the ruling classes of all countries were responsible and that the proletariat would defend the civilization of the world against this attack.

On November 17, five of the socialist deputies were arrested for engaging in anti-war propaganda and conspiring to distribute a treasonable manifesto. This manifesto,

the officials asserted, declared that the defeat of the armies of the Czar would prove of little consequence; that the propaganda of social revolution should be carried on among the army and at the theater of war and that the weapons of the soldiers should be used not against their brothers but against the reactionary bourgeois governments. The deputies were afterwards sentenced to exile and imprisonment.

The labor group also took a stand against the war at the meeting of August 8, but afterwards supported the government because of the fear of invasion. Kerensky, in representing this group before the Duma, declared that they supported the war "in defense of the land of our birth and of our civilization created by the blood of our race." He, however, affirmed that the Russian citizens had no enemies among the working classes of the belligerents. He denounced the authorities for failing to grant amnesty to those who fought for their country's happiness, and urged the workers, after having defended their land, to free it.

66

[ocr errors]

Other Countries. In the Balkans the Socialist Party of Servia refused to accept responsibility for any of the events leading to the war. The narrow Socialist Party in Bulgaria opposed the war, the "broad" party abstained. In Rumania, the official Socialist Party stood for neutrality, although a new Labor Party, formed by a few "intellectuals," supported the Allies.

In Poland the Social Democratic Party uncompromisingly opposed the war; one section of the Polish Socialist Party took the same stand, while the other section placed their hopes in Austrian victory over Russia.

The Portugal socialists supported the government. The Greek socialists for the most part favored neutrality, and attacked the alleged pro-German policy of the king.

In the British Dominions, the Labor Party of Australia supported the war, while the independent socialist bodies opposed it. Premier Hughes' attempt to impose conscription on the country led to a split within the party and the formation of a new National Party under Hughes, by a coalition with the opposition.

Summary. It is thus seen that, in most of the countries, following the declaration of war, the majority of socialists took the position that they were defending the integrity of their country against attack, or that they were fighting for the principles of democracy, and were justified, according to socialist principles, in supporting their respective governments. A minority stood out against war. In Belgium and France, which were actually invaded, the socialists at first supported their governments almost to a man. In Germany, the large majority backed the war, a militant minority opposed it. In Austria, the official press came out for it, although vigorous opposition soon developed. In Hungary, where the movement was somewhat inarticulate, there was little support, and later much opposition. In England, sentiment was also divided. The British Labor Party, the largest group, became active adherents of the war, while the smaller Independent Labor Party, and a branch of the British Labor Party, continued to voice its opposition. In Russia the Social Democrats remained anti-war, although the labor group gave the government their qualified support. The majority of the Italian socialists opposed war, while considerable opposition was consistently evinced in many of the smaller countries.

CHAPTER X

TOWARDS THE NEW INTERNATIONAL

THE INTERNATIONAL DURING THE WAR

1

Early Conferences.- Acting on the resolution that, if war actually broke out, it was the duty of the socialists "to bring about its conclusion as quickly as possible," socialists in various countries immediately urged the calling of an International Socialist Congress. The parties in America and Switzerland, within a month after the outbreak of war, were the first to appeal for such a gathering. Their efforts, however, were unsuccessful.

In January, 1915, delegates of neutrals from Holland and the three Scandinavian countries met in Copenhagen for the purpose of influencing all neutral countries to work for a permanent peace.2 The peace terms, they declared, should provide for an international court of arbitration, and for restriction of armament. Any change in national frontiers that might lessen the right of selfgovernment should be opposed.

The following month, on February 14, 1915, the so

1 For more detailed description of these conferences see Balch, Approaches to the Great Settlement.

2 The International Socialist Bureau was transferred from Brussels to The Hague in October, 1914, and Troelstra, Van Kol and Albarda, representatives of the Dutch Socialist Parties, were added to the old Belgian committee, consisting of Vandervelde, Anseele and Bertrand, as the executive committee of the International. Huysmans was continued as secretary.

« PreviousContinue »