of Bonaparte's imputed crimes, as well as his notorious defeat; and might have brought us back, not anile conjecture, but sound evidence of events which must determine his character, who may determine our fate. We should have been happy also to have found in the travels of Dr. Wittman a full account of the tactics and manœuvres of the Turkish army; and this it would not have been difficult to have obtained through the medium of his military companions. Such appear to us to be the subjects, from an able discussion of which, Dr. Wittman might have derived considerable reputation, by gratifying the ardour of temporary curiosity, and adding to the stock of permanent knowledge.

Upon opening Dr. Wittman's book, we turned with a considerable degree of interest, to the subject of Jaffa; and to do justice to the doctor, we shall, quote all that he has said upon the subject of Bonaparte's Conduct at this place.

of the victims? If Dr. Wittman received any such evidence, why did he not bring it forward? If he never inquired for such evidence, how is he qualified to write upon the subject? If he inquired for it and could not find it, how is the fact credible?

This author cannot make the same excuse as Sir Robert Wilson, for the suppression of his evidence, as there could be no probability that Bonaparte would wreak his vengeance upon Soliman, Aga, Mustapha Cawn, Sidi Mahomet, or any given Turks, upon whose positive evidence Dr. Wittman might have rested his accusation. Two such wicked acts as the poisoning and the massacre, have not been committed within the memory of man ;-within the same memory, no such extraordinary person has appeared, as he who is said to have committed them; and yet, though their commission must have been public, no one has yet said, Vidi ego. The accusation still rests upon hear

say.

After a breach had been effected, the French troops storm-cusation has been over Europe, it is extraordinary that At the same time, widely disseminated as this aced and carried the place. It was probably owing to the obsti- it has not been contradicted in print: and, though Sir nate defence made by the Turks, that the French commanderin-chief was induced to give orders for the horrid massacre Robert Wilson's book must have been read in France, which succeeded. Four thousand of the wretched inhabitants that no officer of the division of Bon has come forward who had surrendered, and who had in vain implored the mercy of their conquerors, were, together with a part of the late Turkish garrison of El-Arish, (amounting, it has been said, to five or six hundred,) dragged out in cold blood, four days after the French had obtained possession of Java, to the sand hills, about a league distant, in the way to Gaza, and there most inhumanly put to death. I have seen the skeletons of these unfortunate victims, which lie scattered over the hills; a modern Golgotha, which remains a lasting disgrace to a nation calling itself civilized. It would give pleasure to the author of this work, as well as to every liberal mind, to hear these facts contradicted on substantial evidence. Indeed, I am sorry to add, that the charge of cruelty against the French general does not rest here. It having been reported, that, previously to the retreat of the French army from Syria, their commander-inchief had ordered all the French sick at Jaffa to be poisoned, I was led to make the inquiry to which every one who should have visited the spot would naturally have been directed, respecting an act of such singular, and, it should seem, wanton inhumanity. It concerns me to have to state, not only that such a circumstance was positively asserted to have happened, but that, while in Egypt, an individual was pointed out to us, as having been the executioner of these diabolical commands.' -(p. 128.)

saw?

Now, in this passage, Dr. Wittman offers no other evidence whatever of the massacre, than that he had seen the skeletons scattered over the hills, and that the fact was universally believed. But how does Dr. Wittman know what skeletons those were which he An oriental camp, affected by the plague, leaves as many skeletons behind it as a massacre. And though the Turks bury their dead, the doctor complains of the very little depth at which they are interred; so that jackals, high winds and a sandy soil, might, with great facility, undo the work of Turkish sextons. Let any one read Dr. Wittman's account of the camp near Jaffa, where the Turks remained so long in company with the military mission, and he will immediately perceive that, a year after their departure, it might have been mistaken, with great ease for the scene of a massacre. The spot which Dr. Wittman saw might have been the spot where a battle had been fought. In the turbulent state of Syria, and amidst the variety of its barbarous inhabitants, can it be imagined that every bloody battle, with its precise limits and circumspection, is accurately committed to tradition, and faithfully reported to inquirers? Besides, why scattered among hills? If 5000 men were marched out to a convenient spot and massacred, their remains would be heaped up in a small space, a mountain of the murdered, a vast bridge of bones and rottenness. As the doctor has described the bone scenery, it has much more the appearance of a battle and pursuit than of a massacre. After all, this gentleman lay eight months under the walls of Jaffa; whence comes it he has given us no better evidence? Were 5000 men murdered in cold blood by a division of the French army, a year before, and did no man remain in Jaffa, who said, I saw it done-I was present when they were marched out I went the next day, and saw the scarcely dead bodies

in vindication of a criminal who could repay incredu lity so well. General Andreossi, who was with the First Consul in Syria, treats the accusations as contemptible falsehoods. But though we are convinced he is a man of character, his evidence has certainly less weight, as he may have been speaking in the mask of diplomacy. As to the general circulation of the report, he must think much higher of the sagacity of multitudes than we do, who would convert this into a reason of belief. Whoever thinks it so easy to get at truth in the midst of passion, should read the various histories of the recent rebellion in Ireland; or he may, if he chooses, believe, with thousands of worthy Frenchmen, that the infernale was planned by Mr. Pitt and Lord Melville. As for us, we will state what appears to us to be the truth, should it even chance to justify a man in whose lifetime Europe can know neither happiness nor peace.

The story of the poisoning is given by Dr. Wittman precisely in the same desultory manner as that of the massacre. 'An individual was pointed out to us as the executioner of these diabolical commands.' By how many persons was he pointed out as the execu tioner? by persons of what authority? and of what credulity? Was it asserted from personal knowledge, or merely from rumour? Whence comes it that such an agent, after the flight of his employer, was not driven away by the general indignation of the army? If Dr. Wittman had combined this species of informa tion with his stories, his conduct would have been more just, and his accusations would have carried greater weight. At present, when he, who had the opportunity of telling us so much, has told us so little, we are rather less inclined to believe than we were before. We do not say these accusations are not true, but that Dr. Wittman has not proved them to be true.

Dr. Wittman did not see more than two cases of plague: he has given both of them at full length. The symptoms were, thirst, headache, vertigo, pains in the limbs, bilious vomitings, and painful tumours in the groins. The means of cure adopted were, to evacuate the primæ viæ; to give diluting and refreshing drinks; to expel the redundant bile by emetics; and to assuage the pain in the groin by fomentations and anodynes; both cases proved fatal. In one of the cases, the friction with warm oil was tried in vain; but it was thought useful in the prevention of plague: the immediate effect produced was, to throw the per son rubbed into a very copious perspiration. A patient in typhus, who was given over, recovered after this discipline was administered.

The boldness and enterprise of medical men are quite as striking as the courage displayed in battle. and evince how much the power of encountering dan. ger depends upon habit. Many a military veteran would tremble to feed upon pus; to sleep in sheets running with water; or to draw up the breath of feverish patients. Dr. White might not, perhaps, have

the army, abandoned the scheme as totally impracti- move round the sun for if so a ship bound from Jaffa cable. The celebrated Bonneval, in his time, and De to Constantinople, instead of proceeding to the capit. Tott since, made the same attempt with the same suc- al, would be carried to London, or elsewhere. We cess. They are not to be taught; and six months after cannot end this article without confessing with great his death, every thing the present capitan pacha has pleasure the entertainment we have received from the done will be immediately pulled to pieces. The pre-work which occasions it. It is an excellent loungingsent grand vizier is a man of no ability. There are book, full of pleasant details, never wearing by prosome very entertaining instances of his gross igno- lixity, or offending by presumption, and is apparently rance cited in the 133d page of the Travels. Upon the the production of a respectable worthy man." So far news being communicated to him that the earth was we can conscientiously recommend it to the public; round, he observed that this could not be the case; for any thing else, for the people and the objects on the other side would in that case fall off; and that the earth could not

Non cuivis homini contingit adire, &c. &c. &c.

SPEECHES, LETTERS, ETC.

CATHOLIC CLAIMS.

A Speech at a Meeting of the Clergy of the Archdeaconry of the East Riding of Yorkshire, held at Beverley, in that Riding, on Monday, April 11, 1825, for the Purpose of Petitioning Parliament, &c.*

animosity between us, could not, and would not fail to increase my regard and respect for him.

I beg leave, sir, before I proceed on this subject, to state what I mean by Catholic eman cpation. I mean eligibility of Catholics to all civil offices, with the usual exceptions introduced into all bills-jealous safeand for the regulation of the intercourse with Rome guards for the preservation of the Protestant church, and, lastly, provision for the Catholic clergy.

MR. ARCHDEACON,-It is very disagreeable to me to differ from so many worthy and respectable clergymen here assembled, and not only to differ from them, I object, sir, to the law as it stands at present, bebut, I am afraid, to stand alone among them. I would much rather vote in majorities, and join in this, or any impolitic, because cause it is impolitic, and because it is unjust. It is exposes this country to the greatother political chorus, than to stand unassisted and Can you believe, sir, can alone, as I am now doing. I dislike such meetings for est danger in time of war. such purposes-I wish I could reconcile it to my con-ieve, that the monarchs of Europe mean to leave this any man of the most ordinary turn for observation, bescience to stay away from them, and to my tempera- country in the quiet possession of the high station ment to be silent at them; but if they are called by which it at present holds? Is it not obvious that a war others, I deem it right to attend-if I attend I must is coming on between the governments of law and the say what I think. If it is unwise in us to meet in taverns to discuss political subjects, the fault is not governments of despotism?-that the weak and tottermine, for I should never think of calling such a meeting race of the Bourbons will (whatever our wishes ing. If the subject is trite, no blame is imputable to me: it is as dull to me to handle such subjects, as it is to you to hear them. The customary promise on the threshold of an inn is good entertainment for man and horse.—If there is any truth in any part of this sentence at the Tiger, at Beverley, our horses at this moment must certainly be in a state of much greater enjoyment than the masters who rode them.

may be) be compelled to gratify the wounded vanity land. Already they are pitying the Irish people, as of the French, by plunging them into a war with Engyou pity the West Indian slaves-already they are Will they wait for your tardy wisdom and reluctant opening colleges for the reception of Irish priests?liberality? Is not the present state of Ireland a premium upon early invasion? Does it not hold out the It will be some amusement, however, to this meet- if the flag of any hostile power in Europe is unfurled in most alluring invitation to your enemies to begin? And ing, to observe the schism which this question has oc- that unhappy country, is there one Irish peasant who casioned in my own parish of Londesborough. My will not hasten to join it ?—and not only the peasantry, excellent and respectable curate, Mr. Milestones, sir; the peasantry begin these things, but the peasantry alarmed at the effect of the pope upon the East Rid-do not end them-they are soon joined by an order a ing, has come here to oppose me, and there he stands, breathing war and vengeance on the Vatican. We had some previous conversation on this subject, and, in imitation of our superiors, we agreed not to make it a cabinet question. Mr. Milestones, indeed, with that delicacy and propriety which belong to his character, expressed some scruples upon the propriety of voting against his rector, but I insisted he should come and vote against me. I assured him nothing would give me more pain than to think I had prevented in any man, the free assertion of honest opinions. That such conduct, on his part, instead of causing jealousy and

* I was left at this meeting in a minority of one. A poor clergyman whispered to me, tnt he was quite of my way of thinking, but had nine children. I begged he would remain a Protestant.

little above them-and then, after a trifling success, a still superior class think it worth while to try the risk: men are hurried into a rebellion, as the oxen were pulled into the cave of Cacus-tail foremost. The mob first, who have nothing to lose but their lives. of which every Irishman has nine-then comes the shopkeeper-then the parish priest-then the vicar-general if the French were to make the same blunders respect-then Dr. Doyle, and, lastly, Daniel O'Connell. But ing Ireland as Napoleon committed, if wind and weather preserved Ireland for you a second time, still all your resources would be crippled by watching Ire land. The force employed for this might liberate Spain and Portugal, protect India, or accomplish any great purpose of offence or defence.

War, sir, seems to be almost as natural a state to mankind as peace; but if you could hope to escape

war, is there a more powerful receipt for destroying | Protestants (gentlemen need not look so much surpris the prosperity of any country, than these eternal ed to hear it,) positively meet together, sir, in the jealousies and distinctions between the two religions? same room. They constitute what is called the reliWhat man will carry his industry and his capital into gious committee for the kingdom of the Netherlands, a country where his yard measure is a sword, his and so extremely desirous are they of preserving the pounce-box a powder-flask, and his ledger a return of strictest impartiality, that they have chosen a Jew for killed and wounded? Where a cat will get, there I their secretary. Their conduct has been unimpeachaknow a cotton-spinner will penetrate; but let these gen-ble and unimpeached; the two sects are at peace with tlemen wait till a few of their factories have been burned each other; and the doctrine, that no faith is kept with down, till one or two respectable merchants of Man- heretics, would, I assure you, be very little credited at chester have been carded and till they have seen the Amsterdam or the Hague, cities as essentially Protescravatists hanging the shanavists in cotton twist. In tant as the town of Beverley. the present fervour for spinning, ourang-outangs, sir, Wretched is our condition, and still more wretched would be employed to spin, if they could be found in the condition of Ireland, if the Catholic does not ressufficient quantities; but miserably will those reason-pect his oath. He serves on grand and petty juries in ers be disappointed who repose upon cotton-not upon both countries; we trust our lives, our liberties, and justice-and who imagine this great question can be our properties, to his conscientous reverence of a put aside, because a few hundred Irish spinners are oath, and yet, when it suits the purposes of party to gaining a morsel of bread by the overflowing industry bring forth this argument, we say he has no respect for of the English market. oaths. The right to a landed estate of 3000l. per anBut what right have you to continue these rules, sir, num was decided last week, in York, by a jury, the these laws of exclusion? What necessity can you foreman of which was a Catholic; does any human beshow for it? Is the reigning monarch a concealed ing harbour a thought, that this gentleman, whom we Catholic?-Is his successor an open one?-Is there a all know and respect, would, under any circumstances, disputed succession? Is there a Catholic pretender? have thought more lightly of the obligation of an oath, If some of these circumstances are said to have justi- than his Protestant brethren of the box? We all disfied the introduction, and others the continuation of believe these arguments of Mr. A. the Catholic, and these measures, why does not the disappearance of all of Mr. B. the Catholic; but we believe them of Cathothese circumstances justify the repeal of the restric-ics in general, of the abstract Catholics, of the Cathotions? If you must be unjust-if it is a luxury you lic of the Tiger Inn, at Beverley, the formidable uncannot live without-reserve your injustice for the known Catholic, that is so apt to haunt our clerical weak, and not for the strong-persecute the Unitari- meetings. ans, muzzle the Ranters, be unjust to a few thousand sectaries, not to six millions-galvanize a frog, don't galvanize a tiger.

If you go into a parsonage-house in the country, Mr. Archdeacon, you see sometimes a style and fashion of furniture which does very well for us, but which has had its day in London. It is seen in London no more; it is banished to the provinces; from the gentlemen's houses of the provinces these pieces of furniture, as soon as they are discovered to be unfashionable, descend to the farm-houses, then to cottages, then to the faggot-heap, then to the dung-hill. As it is with turniture, so is it with arguments. I hear at country meetings many arguments against the Catholics which are never heard in London; their London existence is over-they are only to be met with in the provinces, and there they are fast hastening down, with clumsy chairs and ill-fashioned sofas, to another order of men. But, sir, as they are not yet gone where I am sure they are going, I shall endeavour to point out their defects, and to accelerate their descent.

Many gentlemen now assembled at the Tiger Inn, at Beverley, believe that the Catholics do not keep faith with heretics; these gentlemen ought to know that Mr. Pitt put this very question to six of the leading Catholic universities in Europe. He inquired of them whether this tenet did or did not constitute any part of the Catholic faith. The question received from these universities the most decided negative; they denied that such doctrine formed any part of the creed of Catholics. Such doctrine, sir, is denied upon oath, in the bill now pending in Parliament, a copy of which I hold in my hand. The denial of such a doctrine upon oath is the only means by which a Catholic can relieve himself from his present incapacities. If a Catholic, thereforefore, sir, will not take the oath, he is not relieved, and remains where you wish him to remain; if he does take the oath, you are safe from this peril; if he has no scruple about oaths, of what consequence is it whether this bill passes, the very object of which is to relieve him from oaths? Look at the fact, sir. Do the Protestant cantons of Switzerland, living under the same state with the Catholic cantons, complain that no faith is kept with heretics? Do not the Catholics and Protestants in the kingdom of the Netherlands meet in one common Parliament? Could they pursue a common purpose, have common friends, and common enemies, if there was a shadow of truth in this doctrine imputed to the Catholics? The religious af fairs of this last kingdom are managed with the strictest impartiality to both sects? ten Catholics and ten

I observe that some gentlemen who argue this ques. tion, are very bold about other offices, but very jealous lest Catholic gentlemen should become justices of the peace. If this jealousy is justifiable anywhere, it is justifiable in Ireland, where some of the best and most respectable magistrates are Catholics.

In

It is not true that the Roman Catholic religion is what it was. I meet that assertion with a plump de nial. The pope does not dethrone kings, nor give away kingdoms, does not extort money, has given up, in some instances, the nomination of bishops to Catholic princes, in some, I believe, to Protestant princes; Protestant worship is now carried on at Rome. the Low Countries, the seat of the Duke of Alva's cruelties, the Catholic tolerates the Protestant, and sits with him in the same Parliament-the same in Hungary-the same in France. The first use which even the Spanish people made of their ephemeral lib erty, was to destroy the Inquisition. It was destroyed also by the mob at Portugal. I am so far from think. ing the Catholic not to be more tolerant than he was, that I am much afraid the English, who gave the first lesson of toleration to mankind, will very soon have a great deal to learn from their pupils.

Some men quarrel with the Catholics, because their language was violent in the Association; but a groan or two, sir, after two hundred years of incessant tyranny, may surely be forgiven. A few warm phrases to compensate the legal massacre of a million of Irishmen are not unworthy of our pardon. All this hardly deserves the eternal incapacity of holding civil offices. Then they quarrel with the Bible Society; in other words, they vindicate that ancient tenet of their church, that the Scriptures are not to be left to the unguided judgment of the laity. The objection to Catholics is, that they did what Catholics ought to do-and do not many prelates of our church object to the Bible Society, and contend that the Scriptures ought not to be cir culated without the comment of the Prayer Book and the Articles? If they are right, the Catholics are not wrong; and if the Catholics are wrong, they are in such good company, that we ought to respect their errors.

Why not pay their clergy? the Presbyterian clergy in the north of Ireland are paid by the state; the Catholic clergy of Canada are provided for: the priests of the Hindoos are, I believe, in some of their temples, paid by the Company. You must surely admit, that the Catholic religion (the religion of two-thirds of Europe,) is better than no religion. I do not regret that the Irish are under the dominion of the priests. I am

by the union of the Irish Catholics. They saw that Catholic Ireland had discovered her strength, and stretched out her limbs, and felt manly powers, and called for manly treatment; and the House of Commons wisely and practically yielded to the innovations of time, and the shifting attitude of human at

glad that so savage a people as the lower orders of
Irish are under the dominion of their priests; for it is
a step gained to place such beings under any influence,
and the clergy are always the first civilizers of man-
kind. The Irish are deserted by their natural aristo-
cracy, and I should wish to make their priesthood res-
pectable in their appearance, and easy in their circum-fairs.
stances. A government provision has produced the
most important change in the opinions of the Presby-
terian clergy of the north of Ireland, and has changed
them from levellers and Jacobins into reasonable men ;
it would not fail to improve most materially the politi-
cal opinions of the Catholic priests. This cannot,
however, be done, without the emancipation of the
laity. No priest would dare to accept a salary from
government, unless this preliminary was settled. I am
aware it would give to government a tremendous pow-
er in that country; but I must choose the least of two
evils. The great point, as the physicians say, in some
diseases, is to resist the tendency to death. The great
object of our day is to prevent the loss of Ireland, and
the consequent ruin of England; to obviate the ten-
dency to death; we will first keep the patient alive,
and then dispute about his diet and his medicine.

I admit the church, sir, to be in great danger. I am sure the state is so also. My remedy for these evils is, to enter into an alliance with the Irish people -to conciliate the clergy, by giving them pensionsto loyalize the laity, by putting them on a footing with the Protestant. My remedy is the old one, approved of from the beginning of the world, to lessen dangers, by increasing friends, and appeasing ene mies. I think it most probable, that under this system of crown patronage, the clergy will be quiet. A Catholic layman, who finds all the honours of the state open to him, will not, I think, run into treason and rebellion-will not live with a rope about his neck, in order to turn our bishops out, and put his own in; he may not, too, be of opinion that the utility of his bishop will be four times as great, because his income is four times as large; but whether he is or not, he will never endanger his sweet acres (large measure) for such questions as these. Anti-trinitarian Dissenters sit in the House of Commons, whom we believe to be condemned to the punishments of another world. There is no limit to the introduction of Dissenters into both houses-Dissenting Lords or Dissenting Commons. What mischief have Dissenters for this last century and a half plotted against the Church of England? The Catholic lord and the Catholic gentleman (restored to their fair rights) will never join with levellers and Iconoclasts. You will find them defending you hereafter against your Protestant enemies. The crosier in any hand, the mitre on any head, are more tolerable in the eyes of a Catholic than doxological Barebones and tonsured Cromwell.

Suppose a law were passed, that no clergyman, who had ever held a living in the East Riding, could be made a bishop. Many gentlemen here (who have no hopes of ever being removed from their parishes) would feel the restriction of the law as a considerable degradation. We should soon be pointed at as a lower order of clergymen. It would not be long before the common people would find some fortunate epithet for us, and it would not be long either before we should observe in our brethren of the north and west an air of superiority, which would aggravate not a little the justice of the privation. Every man feels the insults thrown upon his caste; the insulted party falls lower, every body else becomes higher. There are heartburnings and recollections. Peace flies from that land. The volume of parliamentary evidence I have brought here is loaded with the testimony of witnesses of all We preach to our congregations, sir, that a tree is ranks and occupations, stating to the House of Com-known by its fruits. By the fruits it produces I will mons the undoubted effects produced upon the lower judge your system. What has it done for Ireland? order of Catholics by these disqualifying laws, and the New Zealand is emerging-Otaheite is emerginglively interest they take in their removal. I have sev- Ireland is not emerging--she is still veiled in darkness enteen quotations, sir, from this evidence, and am rea--her children, safe under no law, live in the very shady to give any gentleman my references; but I for- dow of death. Has your system of exclusion made Irebear to read them, from compassion to my reverend land rich? Has is made Ireland loyal? Has it made brethren, who have trotted many miles to vote against Ireland free? Has it made Ireland happy? How is the pope, and who will trot back in the dark, if I at- the wealth of Ireland proved? Is it by the naked, idle, tempt to throw additional light upon the subject. suffering savages, who are slumbering on the mud floor of their cabins? In what does the loyalty of Ireland consist? Is it in the eagerness with which they would range themselves under the hostile banner of any invader, for your destruction and for your distress? Is it liberty when men breathe and move among the bayonets of English soldiers? Is their happiness and their history any thing but such a tissue of murders, burnings, hanging, famine, and disease, as never existed before in the annals of the world? This is the system which, I am sure, with very different intentions, and different views of its effects, you are met this day to uphold. These are the dreadful consequences, which those laws your petition prays may be continued, have produced upon Ireland. From the principles of that system, from the cruelty of those laws, I turn, and turn with the homage of my whole heart, to that memorable proclamation which the head of our church-the present monarch of these realms-has lately made to his hereditary dominions of Hanover-That no man should be subjected to civil incapacities on account of religious opinions. Sir, there have been many memorable things done in this reign. Hostile armies have been destroyed; fleets have been captured; formidable combinations have been broken to pieces-but this sentiment, in the mouth of a king, deserves more than all glories and victories the notice of that historian who is destined to tell to future ages the deeds of the English people. I hope he will lavish upon it every gem which glitters in the cabinet of genius, and so uphold it to the world that it will be remembered when Waterloo is forgotten, and when the fall of Paris is blotted out from the memory of

I have, also, sir, a high-spirited class of gentlemen to deal with, who will do nothing from fear, who admit the danger, but think it disgraceful to act as if they feared it. There is a degree of fear, which destroys a man's faculties, renders him incapable of acting, and makes him ridiculous. There is another sort of fear, which enables a man to foresee a coming evil, to measure it, to examine his powers of resistance, to balance the evil of submission against the evils of opposition or defeat, and if he thinks he must be ultimately overpowered, leads him to find a good escape in a good time. I can see no possible disgrace in this sort of fear, and in listening to its suggestions. But it is mere cant to say, that men will not be actuated by fear in such questions as these. Those who pretend not to fear now, would be the first to fear upon the approach of danger; it is always the case with this distant valour. Most of the concessions which have been given to the Irish have been given to fear. Ireland would have been lost to this country, if the British legislature had not, with all the rapidity and precipitation of the truest panic, passed those acts which Ireland did not ask, but demanded in the time of her armed associations. I should not think a man brave, but mad, who did not fear the treasons and rebellions of Ireland in time of war. I should think him not dastardly, but consummately wise, who provided against them in time of peace. The Catholic question has made a greater progress since the opening of this Parliament than I ever remember it to have made, and it has made that progress from fear alone. The House of Commons were astonished