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ample, it is impossible, we conceive, for any one to consider the great, grave, and solemn movement of the nation that led to it, or the stern and dispassionate temper in which it was conducted, without feeling that proud contrast between this execution and that of all other deposed sovereigns in history,-which led Mr. Fox, in common with Mr. Hume, and every other writer on the subject, to make use of the expressions which have been alluded to.

ation for the monarchial part of our constitution. To | with Mr. Fox in the unprofitable severity of this exsay the truth, we have not always been able to satisfy ourselves of the worthy author's consistency; and holding, as we are inclined to do, that his natural and genuine sentiments are liberal and manly, we can only account for the narrowness and unfairness of some of his remarks, by supposing them to originate from the habits of his practical politics, and of that long course of opposition, in which he learned to consider it a duty to his party to discredit every thing that came from the advocate of the people. We shall now say a word or two on the remarks themselves, which, as we have already noticed, will be found to be infinitely fewer, and more insignificant, than any one, looking merely at the bulk of the volume, could possibly have conjectured.

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The first, of any sort of importance, is made on those passages in which Mr. Fox calls the execution of the kinga far less violent measure than that of Lord Strafford;' and says, that there was something in the splendour and magnanimity of the act, which has served to raise the character of the nation in the opinion of Europe in general. Mr. Rose takes great offence at both these remarks; and says, that the constitution itself was violated by the execution of the king, while the case of Lord Strafford was but a private injury. We are afraid Mr. Rose does not perfectly understand Mr. Fox, otherwise it would be difficult not to agree with him. The grossness of Lord Strafford's case consisted in this, that a bill of attainder was brought in, after a regular proceeding by impeachment had been tried against him. He was substantially acquitted, by the most unexceptionable process known in our law, before the bill of attainder came to declare him guilty, and to punish him. There was here, therefore, a most flagrant violation of all law and justice, and a precedent for endless abuses and oppressions. In the case of the king, on the other hand, there could be no violation of settled rules or practice; because the case itself was necessarily out of the purview of every rule, and could be drawn into no precedent. The constitution, no doubt, was necessarily destroyed or suspended by the trial; but Mr. Rose appears to forget that it had been destroyed or suspended before, by the war, or by the acts of the king which brought on the war. If it was lawful to fight against the king, it must have been lawful to take him prisoner: after he was a prisoner, it was both lawful and necessary to consider what should be done with him; and every deliberation of this sort had all the assumption, and none of the fairness of a trial. Yet Mr. Rose has himself told us, that there are cases in which resistance becomes a paramount duty;' and probably is not prepared to say, that it was more violent and criminal to drive King James from the throne in 1688, than to wrest all law and justice to take the life of Lord Strafford in 1641. Yet the constitution was as much violated by the forfeiture of the one sovereign, as by the trial and execution of the other. It was impossible that the trial of King Charles might have terminated in a sentence of mere deprivation; and if James had fought against his people, and been conquered, he might have been tried and executed. The constitution was gone for the time, in both cases, as soon as force was mutually appealed to; and the violence that followed thereafter, to the person of the monarch, can receive no aggravation from any view of that nature.

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When Mr. Rose, in the close of his remarks upon this subject, permits himself to insinuate, that if Mr. Fox thought such high praise due to the publicity, &c. of King Charles's trial, he must have felt unbounded admiration at that of Lewis XVI., he has laid himself open to a charge of such vulgar and uncandid unfairness, as was not to have been at all expected from a person of his rank and description. If Lewis XVI. had been openly in arms against his people—if the Convention had required no other victim-and had settled into a regular government as soon as he was removed-there might have been more room for a parallel-to which, as the fact actually stands, every Briton must listen with indignation. Lewis XVI. was wantonly sacrificed to the rage of an insane and bloodthirsty faction, and tossed to the executioner among the common supplies for the guillotine. The publicity and parade of his trial were assumed from no love of justice, or sense of dignity; but from a low principle of profligate and clamorous defiance to every thing that had become displeasing and ridiculous and incredible as it would appear of any other nation, we have not the least doubt that a certain childish emulation of the avenging liberty of the English had its share in producing this paltry copy of our grand and original daring. The insane coxcombs who blew out their brains, after a piece of tawdry declamation, in some of the provincial assemblies, were about as like Cato or Hannibal, as the trial and execution of Lewis was like the condemnation of King Charles. gicides were serious and original at least, in the bold, bad deeds which they committed. The regicides of France were poor theatrical imitators-intoxicated with blood and with power, and incapable even of forming a sober estimate of the guilt or the consequences of their actions. Before leaving this subject, we must remind our readers that Mr. Fox unequivocally condemns the execution of the king; and spends some time in showing that it was excusable neither on the ground of present expediency nor future warning. After he had finished that statement, he proceeds to say, that notwithstanding what the more reasonable part of mankind may think, it is to be doubted, whether the proceeding has not served to raise the national character in the eyes of foreigners, &c.; and then goes on to refer to the conversations he had himself witnessed on that subject abroad. A man must be a very zealous royalist, indeed, to disbelieve or be offended with this.

Our re

Mr. Rose's next observation is in favour of General Monk; upon whom he is of opinion that Mr. Fox has been by far too severe-at the same time that he fails utterly in obviating any of the grounds upon which that severity is justified. Monk was not responsible alone indeed, for restoring the king, without taking any security for the people; but, as wielding the whole power of the army, by which that restoration was effected, he is certainly chiefly responsible for With regard, again, to the loyal horror which Mr. that most criminal omission. As to his indifference Rose expresses, when Mr. Fox speaks of the splen- to the fate of his companions in arms, Mr. Rose does, dour and magnanimity of the proceedings against the indeed, quote the testimony of his chaplain, who wrote king, it is probable that this zealous observer was not a complimentary life of his patron, to prove that, on aware, that his favourite prerogative writer,' Mr. the trial of the regicides, be behaved with great moHume, had used the same, or still loftier expressions, deration. We certainly do not rate this testimony in relation to the same event. Some of the words of very highly; and do think it far more than compenthat loyal and unsuspected historian are as follows:- sated by that of Mrs. Hutchinson, who, in the life of 'the pomp, the dignity, the ceremony of this transac- her husband, says, that on the first proceedings against tion, correspond to the greatest conceptions that are the regicides in the House of Commons, Monk sate suggested in the annals of human kind;—the dele- still, and had not one word to interpose for any man, gates of a great people sitting in judgment upon their but was as forward to set vengeance on foot as any one.'* supreme magistrate, and trying him for his misman- And a little afterwards she adds, apparently from her agement and breach of trust.'* Cordially as we agree | own personal knowledge and observation, that 'be

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*Life of Colonel Hutchinson, p. 372.

fore the prisoners were brought to the Tower, Monk, and his wife came one evening to the garden, and caused them to be brought down, only to stare at them-which was such a behaviour for that man, who had betrayed so many of those that had honoured and trusted him, &c., as no story can parallel the inhumanity of.'*

With regard again to Mr. Fox's charge of Monk's tamely acquiescing in the insults so meanly put on the illustrious corpse of his old commander Blake, it is perfectly evident, even from the authorities referred to by Mr. Rose, that Blake's body was dug up by the king's order, among others, and removed out of the hallowed precincts of Westminster, to be reinterred with twenty more, in one pit at St. Margaret's.

But the chief charge is, that on the trial of Argyle, Monk spontaneously sent down some confidential letters, which turned the scale of evidence against that unfortunate nobleman. This statement, to which Mr. Fox is most absurdly blamed for giving credit, is made on the authority of the three historians who lived nearest to the date of the transaction, and who all report it as quite certain and notorious. These historians are Burnet, Baillie, and Cunningham; nor are they contradicted by one writer on the subject, except Dr. Campbell, who, at a period comparatively recent, and without pretending to have discovered any new document on the subject, is pleased to disbelieve them upon certain hypothetical and argumentative reasons of his own. These reasons Mr. Laing has examined and most satisfactorily obviated in his history; and Mr. Rose has exerted incredible industry to defend. The Scottish records for that period have perished; and for this reason, and because a collection of pamphlets and newspapers of that age, in Mr. Rose's possession, make no mention of the circumstance, he thinks fit to discredit it altogether. If this kind of scepticism were to be indulged, there would be an end of all reliance on history. In this particular case, both Burnet and Baillie speak quite positively, from the information of cotemporaries; and state a circumstance that would very well account for the silence of the formal accounts of the trial, if any such had heen preserved, viz., that Monk's letters were not produced till after the evidence was finished on both sides, and the debate begun on the result;-an irregularity, by the way, by much too gross to have been charged against a public proceeding without any foundation.

Mr. Rose's next observation is directed rather against Judge Blackstone than against Mr. Fox; and is meant to show, that this learned person was guilty of great innaccuracy in representing the year 1679 as the era of good laws and bad govornment. It is quite impossible to follow him through the dull details and feeble disputations by which he labours to make it appear that our laws were not very good in 1679, and that they, as well as the administration of them, were much mended after the Revolution. Mr. Fox's, or rather Blackstone's remark is too obviously and strikingly true in substance, to admit of any argument or illustration.†

The next charge against Mr. Fox is for saying, that

*Life of Colonel Hutchinson, p. 378.

Mr. Rose talks a great deal, and very justly, about the advantages of the judges not being removable at pleasure; and, with a great air of erudition, informs us, that after 6th Charles, all the commissioners were made quamdiu nobis placuerit. Mr. Rose's researches, we fear, do not often go beyond the records in his custody. If he had looked into Rushworth's Collection, he would have found, that, in 1641, King Charles agreed to make the commission, quamdiu se bene gesserint; and that some of those illegally removed in the following reign, though not officiating in court, still retained certain functions in consequence of that appointment. The following is the passage, at p. 1265, vol. iii. of Rushworth: After the passing of these votes (16th December, 1640) against the judges, and transmitting them to the House of Peers, and their concurring with the House of Commons therein, an address was made to the king shortly after, that his majesty, for the future, would not make any judge by patent during pleasure; but that they may hold their places hereafter, quandiu se bene gesserint; and his majesty did really grant the same. And in his speech to both houses of Parliament, at the time of giving

if Charles II.'s ministers betrayed him, he betrayed them in return; keeping, from some of them at least, the secret of what he was pleased to call his religion, and the state of his connections with France. After the furious attack which Mr. Rose has made in another place upon this prince and his French connections, it is rather surprising to see with what zeal he undertakes his defence against this very venial sort of treachery, of concealing his shame from some of his more respectable ministers. The attempt, however, is at least as unsuccessful as it is unaccountable. Mr. Fox says only, that some of the ministers were not trusted with the secret; and both Dalrymple and Macpherson say, that none but the Catholic counsellors were admitted to this confidence. Mr. Rose mutters, that there is no evidence of this; and himself produces an abstract of the secret treaty between Lewis and Charles, of May, 1670, to which the subscriptions of four Catholic ministers of the latter are affixed!

Mr. Fox is next taxed with great negligence for saying, that he does not know what proof there is of Clarendon's being privy to Charles receiving money from France; and very long quotations are inserted from the correspondence printed by Dalrymple and Macpherson,--which do not prove Clarendon's knowledge of any money being received, though they do seem to establish, that he must have known of its being stipulated for.

After this comes Mr. Rose's grand attack; in which he charges the historian with his whole heavy artil lery of argument and quotation, and makes a vigorous effort to drive him from the position, that the early and primary object of James's reign was not to esta blish popery in this country, but in the first place to render himself absolute: and that, for a considerable time, he does not appear to have aimed at any thing more than a complete toleration for his own religion. The grounds upon which this opinion is maintained by Mr. Fox are certainly very probable. There is, in the first place, his zeal for the Church of England du ring his brother's life, and the violent oppressions by which he enforced a Protestant test in Scotland; secondly, the fact of his carrying on the government and the persecution of nonconformists by Protestant ministers; and, thirdly, his addresses to his Parliament, and the tenour of much of his correspondence with Lewis. In opposition to this, Mr. Rose quotes an infinite variety of passages from Barillon's correspondence, to show in general the unfeigned zeal of this unfortunate prince for his religion, and his constant desire to glorify and advance it. Now, it is perfectly obvious, in the first place, that Mr. Fox never intended to dispute James's zeal for popery; and, in the second place, it is very remarkable, that in the first seven passages quoted by Mr. Rose, nothing more is said to be in the king's contemplation than the com plete toleration of that religion. The free exercise of the Catholic religion in their own houses,'-tle abolition of the penal laws against Catholics, free exercise of tha religion,' &c. &c. are the only objects to which the zeal of the king is said to be directed; and it is not till after the suppression of Mon mouth's rebellion, that these phrases are exchanged for a resolution to establish the Catholic religion, or

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the

his royal assent to two bills, one to take away the High Commission Court, and the other the Court of Star-Chamber, and regulating the power of the council table, he hath this passage: "If you consider what I have done this Parliament, discontents will not sit in your hearts; for I hope you remember that I have granted that the judges shall hereafter hold their places quamdiu se bene gesserint." And likewise, his gracious majesty King Charles the Second observed the same rule and method in granting patents to judges, quamdiu se bene gesserint; as appears upon record in the rolls: viz., to Sergeant Slide to be Lord Chief Justice of the King's Bench, Sir Orlando Bridgeman to be Lord Chief Baron, and afterwards to be Lord Chief Justice of Common Pleas; to Sir Robert Foster, and others. Mr. Sergeant Archer, now living, notwithstanding his removal, still enjoys his patent, being quamdiu se bene gesserint; and receives a share in the profits of the court, as to fees and other proceedings, by virtue of his said patent: and his name is used in those fines, &c., as a judge of that court.'

'to get that religion established;' though it would be fair, perhaps, to interpret some even of these phrases with reference to those which precede them in the correspondence; especially as, in a letter from Lewis to Barillon, so late as 20th August, 1685, he merely urges the great expediency of James establishing 'the free exercise' of that religion.

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ken Mr. Fox's confidence in his accuracy. The answer to which obviously is, that his mere dishonesty, where his private interest was concerned, can afford no reason for doubting his accuracy, where it was not affected.

In the concluding section of his remarks, Mr. Rose resumes his eulogium on Sir Patrick Hume,-introduAfter all, in reality, there is not much substantial ces a splendid encomium on the Marquis of Montrose, difference as to this point between the historian and brings authority to show, that torture was used to his observer. Mr. Fox admits most explicitly, that extort confession in Scotland even after the RevoluJames was zealous in the cause of popery; and that tion, and then breaks out into a high tory rant after Monmouth's execution, he made attempts equal- against Mr. Fox, for supposing that the councillors ly violent and undisguised to restore it. Mr. Rose, who condemned Argyle might not be very easy in on the other hand, admits that he was exceedingly their consciences, and for calling those who were huntdesirous to render himself absolute; and that one ing down that nobleman's dispersed followers authoground of his attachment to popery probably was, its rized assassins.' James, he says, was their lawful natural affinity with an arbitrary government. Upon sovereign; and the parties in question having been in which of these two objects he set the chief value, and open rebellion, it was the evident duty of all who had which of them he wished to make subservient to the not joined with them to suppress them. We are not other, it is not perhaps now very easy to determine. very fond of arguing general points of this nature; and In addition to the authorities referred to by Mr. Fox, the question here is fortunately special and simple. If however, there are many more which tend directly to the tyranny and oppression of James in Scotland-the show that one great ground of his antipathy to the unheard-of enormity of which Mr. Rose owns that reformed religion was, his conviction that it led to Mr. Fox has understated-had already given that rebellion and republicanism. There are very many country a far juster title to renounce him than Engpassages in Barillon to this effect; and, indeed, the land had in 1688, then James was not their lawful burden of all Lewis's letters is to convince James that sovereign' in any sense in which that phrase can be 'the existence of monarchy' in England depended on understood by a free people; and those whose cow. the protection of the Catholics. Barillon says (Fox ardice or despair made them submit to be the instru App. p. 125), that the king often declares publicly, ments of the tyrant's vengeance on one who had armed that all Calvinists are naturally enemies to royalty, for their deliverance, may very innocently be preand above all, to royalty in England.' And Burnet sumed to have suffered some remorse for their comobserves (vol. I. p. 73), that the king told him,' that pliance. With regard, again, to the phrase of 'authoamong other prejudices he had against the Protestant rized assassins,' it is plain from the context of Mr. religion, this was one, that his brother and himself Fox, that it is not applied to the regular forces acting being in many companies in Paris incognito (during against the remains of Argyle's armed followers, but the Commonwealth),where there were Protestants, he to those individuals, whether military or not, who purfound they were all alienated from them, and great ad-sued the disarmed and solitary fugitives, for the purmirers of Cromwell; so he believed they were all rebels pose of butchering them in cold blood, in their caverns in their hearts.' It will not be forgotten either, that and mountains. in his first address to the council, on his accession, he Such is the substance of Mr. Rose's observations; made use of those memorable words :- I know the which certainly do not appear to us of any consideraprinciples of the Church of England are for monarchy, ble value-though they indicate, throughout, a lauda. and therefore I shall always take care to defend and ble industry, and a still more laudable consciousness support it.' While he retained this opinion of its loy-of inferiority,-together with (what we are determalty, accordingly, he did defend and support it; and did persecute all dissidents from its doctrine, at least as violently as he afterward did those who opposed popery. It was only when he found that the orthodox doctrines of non-resistance and jus divinum would not go all lengths, and that even the bishops would not send his proclamation to their clergy, that he came to class them with the rest of the heretics, and to rely Though the book itself is very dull, however, we entirely upon the slavish votaries of the Roman super-must say that the Appendix is very entertaining. Sir stition. Patrick's narrative is clear and spirited; but what deThe next set of remarks is introduced for the pur- lights us far more, is another and more domestic and pose of showing that Mr. Fox has gone rather too far, miscellaneous narrative of the adventures of his famiin stating that the object both of Charles and James ly, from the period of Argyle's discomfiture till their in taking money from Lewis, was to render themselves return in the train of King William. This is from the independent of Parliament, and to enable them to gov-hand of Lady Murray, Sir Patrick's grand-daughter; ern without those assemblies. Mr. Rose admits that and is mostly furnished from the information of her this was the point which both monarch were desirous mother, his favourite and exemplary daughter. There of attaining; and merely says, that it does not appear is an air of cheerful magnanimity and artless goodness that either of them expected that the calling of Par- about this little history, which is extremely engaging: liaments could be entirely dispensed with. There and a variety of traits of Scottish simplicity and homecertainly is not here any worthy subject of conten-liness of character, which recommend it, in a peculiar tion. manner, to our national feelings. Although we have already enlarged this article beyond its proper limits, we must give our readers a few specimens of this sin

ined to believe) a natural disposition to liberality and moderation, counteracted by the littleness of party jealousy and resentment. We had noted a great num ber of petty misrepresentations and small inaccura cies; but in a work which is not likely either to be much read, or long remembered, these things are not worth the trouble of correction.

After Sir Patrick's escape, he made his way to his own castle, and was concealed for some time in a vault under the church, where his daughter, then a girl under twenty, went alone, every night, with an heroic fortitude, to comfort and feed him. The gaiety, however, which lightened this perilous intercourse, is to us still more admirable than its heroism.

The next point is, as to the sums of money which Barillon says he distributed to the whig leaders, as well as to the king's ministers. Mr. Rose is very lib-gular chronicle. eral and rational on this subject; and thinks it not unfair to doubt the accuracy of the accounts which this minister renders of his disbursements. He even quotes two passages from Mad. de Sevigné, to show that it was the general opinion that he had enriched himself greatly by his mission to England. In a letter written during the continuance of that mission, she says, ' Barillon s'en va, &c.; son emploi est admirable cette année; il mangera cinquante mille francs; mais il sait bien ou les prendre. And after his final return, she says he is old and rich, and looks without envy on the brilliant situation of M. D'Avaus. The only inference he draws from the discussion is, that it should have a little sha

'She went every night by herself, at midnight, to carry him victuals and drink; and stayed with him as long as she could to get home before day. In all this time, my grandfather showed me the same constant composure and cheerfulness of mind that he continued to possess to his death, which was at the age of eighty-four; all which good qualities she inherited

was an earl and chancellor of Scotland, and unable to stir with gout, had himself carried to the room where his children and grandchildren were dancing, and in sisted on beating time with his foot. Nay, when dying at the advanced age of eighty-four, he could not resist his old propensity to joking, but uttered various pleasantries on the disappointment the worms would meet with, when, after boring through his thick coffin, they would find little but bones.

from him in a high degree. Often did they laugh heartily in that doleful habitation, at different accidents that happened. She at that time had a terror for a churchyard, especially in the dark, as is not uncommon at her age, by idle nursery stories; but when engaged by concern for her father, she stumbled over the graves every night alone, without fear of any kind entering her thoughts, but for soldiers and parties in search of him, which the least noise or motion of a leaf put her in terror for. The minister's house was near the church. The first night she went, his dogs kept such a barking as put her in the utmost fear of a discovery. My grandmother sent for the minister nex: day, and, upon pretence of a mad dog, a fierce attack upon Burnet, which is full of inaccuraThere is, in the Appendix, besides these narrations, got him to hang all his dogs. There was also difficulty of get-cies and ill temper; and some interesting particulars ting victuals to carry him, without the servants suspecting: the only way it was done, was by stealing it off her plate at dinner into her lap. Many a diverting story she has told about this, and other things of the like nature. Her father liked sheep's head; and, while the children were eating their broth, she had conveyed most of one into her lap. When her brother Sandy (the late Lord Marchmont) had done, he looked up with astonishment, and said, "Mother, will you look at Grizzel; while we have been eating our broth, she has eat up the whole sheep's head." This occasioned so much mirth DISTURBANCES AT MADRAS. among them, that her father, at night, was greatly entertained by it; and desired Sandy might have a share in the next.'— App. p. [v.]

They then tried to secret him in a low room in his own house; and, for this purpose, to contrive a bed concealed under the floor, which this affectionate and light-hearted girl secretly excavated herself, by scratching up the earth with her nails, till she left not a nail on her fingers,' and carrying it into the garden at night in bags. At last, however, they all got over to Holland, where they seem to have lived in great poverty, but in the same style of magnanimous gaiety and cordial affection, of which some instances hade been recited. This admirable young woman, who lived afterwards with the same simplicity of character in the first society in England, seems to have exerted herself in a way that nothing but affection could have rendered tolerable, even to one bred up to drudgery.

All the time they were there,' (says his daughter,) 'there was not a week my mother did not sit up two nights, to do the business that was necessary. She went to the market; went to the mill to have their corn ground-which, it seems, is the way with good managers there; dressed the linen; cleaned the house; made ready dinner; mended the children's stockings, and other clothes; made what she could for them; and, in short, did every thing. Her sister Christian, who was a year or two younger, diverted her father and mother, and the rest, who were fond of music. Out of their small income, they bought a harpsichord for little money (but is a Rucar*), now in my custody, and most valuable. My aunt played and sung well, and had a great deal of life and humour, but no turn to business. Though my mother had the same qualifications, and liked it as well as she did, she was forced to drudge; and many jokes used to pass betwixt the sisters about their different occupations.' p. [ix.]

of Monmouth's imprisonment and execution. We dare say Mr. Rose could publish a volume or two of very interesting tracts; and can venture to predict, that his collections will be much more popular than his observations.

REVIEW, 1810.)

(EDINBURGH

Narrative of the Origin and Progress of the Dissensions at
the Presidency of Madras, founded on Original Papers and
Account of the Origin and Progress of the late Discontents of
Correspondence. Lloyd, London, 1810.

the Army on the Madras Establishment. Cadell and Davies,
London, 1810.
Statement of Facts delivered to the Right Honourable Lord
Minto. By William Petrie, Esq. Stockdale, London, 1810.

THE disturbances which have lately taken place in
our East Indian possessions, would, at any period, have
excited a considerable degree of alarm; and those feel
ings are, of course, not a little increased by the ruin-
ous aspect of our European affairs. The revolt of an
to threaten so nearly the ruin of the country in which
army of eighty thousand men is an event which seems
it happens, that no common curiosity is excited as to
the causes which could have led to it, and the means
by which its danger was averted. On these points,
we shall endeavour to exhibit to our readers the infor
mation afforded to us by the pamphlets whose titles
we have cited. The first of these is understood to be
written by an agent of Sir George Barlow, sent over
for the express purpose of defending his measures;
the second is most probably the production of some one
of the dismissed officers, or, at least, founded upon
their representations; the third statement is by Mr.
Petrie, and we most cordially recommend it to the
perusal of our readers. It is characterized, through-
out, by moderation, good sense, and a feeling of duty.
We have seldom read a narrative, which, on the first
face of it, looked so much like truth.
course, produced the ruin and dismissal of this gentle-
It has, of
man, though we have not the shadow of doubt, that if
his advice had been followed, every unpleasant occur-
rence which has happened in India might have been
effectually prevented."

Her brother soon afterwards entered into the Prince of Orange's guards: and her constant attention was to have him appear right in his linen and dress. They wore little point cravats and cuffs, which many a night she sat up to have in as In the year 1802,a certain monthly allowance, progood order for him as any in the place; and one of their great- portioned to their respective ranks, was given to each est expenses was in dressing him as he ought to be. As their officer of the coast army, to cnable him to provide house was always full of the unfortunate banished people like himself with a camp equipage; and a monthly allow themselves, they seldom went to dinner without three, or four, or five of them to share with them; and many a hundred times ance was also made to the commanding officers of the have I heard her say she could never look back upon their native corps, for the provision of the camp equipage of manner of living there, without thinking it a miracle. They these corps. This arrangement was commonly called had no want, but plenty of everything they desired, and much the tent contract. Its intention (as the pamphlet of contentment; and always declared it the most pleasing part of Sir George Barlow's agent very properly states) was her life, though they were not without their little distresses; to combine facility of movement in military operations but to them they were rather jokes than grievances. The pro- with views of economy. In the general revision of its fessors and men of learning in the place came often to see my establishments, set on foot for the purposes of econograndfather. The best entertainment he could give them was a glass of alabast beer, which was a better kind of ale than my by the Madras government, this contract was concommon. He sent his son Andrew, the late Lord Kimmer-sidered as entailing upon them a very unnecessary exghame, a boy, to draw some for them in the cellar: he brought pense; and the then commander-in-chief, General it up with great diligence; but in the other hand the spiket of Craddock, directed Colonel Munro, the quartermasterthe barrel. My grandfather said, "Andrew, what is that in your hand?" When he saw it, he run down with speed; but general, to make a report to him upon the subject. the beer was all run out before he got there. This occasioned The report, which was published almost as soon as it much mirth; though, perhaps, they did not well know where was made up, recommends the abolition of this conto get more.'-pp. [x. xi.] tract; and, among other passages for the support of this opinion, has the following one :

Sir Patrick, we are glad to hear, retained this kindly cheerfulness of character to the last; and, after he

* An eminent maker of that time.

'Six years' experience of the practical effects of the existing system of the camp equipage equipment of the native army, has afforded means of forming a judgment relative to its advantages and efficiency which were not possessed by the per

sons who proposed its introduction; and an attentive examina- | not a single witness was examined; the whole seems tion of its operations during that period of time has suggested the following observations regarding it:

tive examination.

to have depended upon the report of Colonel Munro, the youngest staff-officer of the army, published in After stating that the contract is needlessly expen- spite of the earnest remonstrance of Colonel Capper, sive-that it subjects the Company to the same char- the adjutant-general, and before three days had been ges for troops in the garrison as for those in the field-given him to substitute his own plan, which Sir George the report proceeds to state the following observation, Barlow had promised to read before the publication of made on the authority of six years experience and atten- Colonel Munro's report. Nay, this great plan of reduction was never even submitted to the military board, "Thirdly. By granting the same allowances in peace and by whom all subjects of that description were, accordwar for the equipment of native corps, while the expenses inci-ing to the orders of the court of directors, and the dental to that charge are unavoidably much greater in war than usage of the service, to be discussed and digested, prein peace, it places the interest and duty of officers commanding vious to their coming before government. native corps in direct opposition to one another. It makes it their interest that their corps should not be in a state of efficiency fit for field service, and therefore furnishes strong inducements to neglect their most important duties.'—Accurate and Authentic Narrative, pp. 117, 118.

paper, the commander-in-chief, General Macdowall, Shortly after the promulgation of this very indiscreet received letters from almost all the officers commanding native corps, representing, in terms adapted to the feelings of each, the stigma which was considered to Here, then, is not only a proposal for reducing the attach to them individually, and appealing to the auemoluments of the principal officers of the Madras thority of the commander-in-chief for redress against army, but a charge of the most flagrant nature. The such charges, and to his personal experience for their first they might possibly have had some right to con- falsehood. To these letters the general replied, that sider as a hardship; but, when severe and unjust in- the orders in question had been prepared without any vective was superadded to strict retrenchment-when reference to his opinion, and that, as the matter was so their pay and their reputation were diminished at the far advanced, he deemed it inexpedient to interfere. same time-it cannot be considered as surprising, that The officers commanding corps, finding that no steps such treatment, on the part of the government, should were taken to remove the obnoxious insinuations, and lay the foundation for a spirit of discontent in those considering that, while they remained, an indelible distroops who had recently made such splendid additions grace was cast upon their characters, prepared charges to the Indian empire, and established, in the progress against Colonel Munro. These charges were forof these acquisitions, so high a character for discipline warded to General Macdowall, referred by him to the and courage. It must be remembered, that an officer judge advocate general, and returned with his obon European and one on Indian service are in very dif- jections to them, to the officers who had preferred the ferent situations, and propose to themselves very dif- charges. For two months after this period, General ferent objects. The one never thinks of making a Macdowall appears to have remained in a state of unfortune by his profession, while the hope of ultimately certainty, as to whether he would or would not bring gaining an independence is the principal motive for Colonel Munro to a court-martial upon the charges prewhich the Indian officer banishes himself from his ferred against him by the commanders of the corps. country. To diminish the emoluments of his profes- At last, urged by the discontents of the army, he desion is to retard the period of his return, and to frus- termined in the affirmative; and Colonel Munro was trate the purpose for which he exposes his life and put in arrest, preparatory to his trial. Colonel Munro health in a burning climate, on the other side of the then appealed directly to the governor, Sir George world. We make these observations, certainly, with- Barlow; and was released by a positive order from out any idea of denying the right of the East India him. It is necessary to state, that all appeals of ofCompany to make any retrenchments they may think ficers to the government in India always pass through proper, but to show that it is a right which ought to the hands of the commander-in-chief; and this appeal, be exercised with great delicacy and with sound dis- therefore, of Colonel Munro, directed to the govern cretion-that it should only be exercised when the re- ment, was considered by General Macdowall as a great trenchment is of real importance, and, above all, that infringement of military discipline. We have very it should always be accompanied by every mark of great doubts whether Sir George Barlow was not guilty suavity and conciliation. Sir George Barlow, on the of another great mistake in preventing the court-marcontrary, committed the singular imprudence of stig- tial from taking place. It is undoubtedly true, that no matizing the honour, and wounding the feelings of the servant of the public is amenable to justice for doing Indian officers. At the same moment that he dimi- what the government orders him to do; but he is not nishes their emoluments, he tells them, that the India entitled to protection under the pretence of that order, Company take away their allowances for tents, be- if he has done something which it evidently did not cause those allowances have been abused in the mean- require of him. If Colonel Munro had been ordered est, most profligate, and most unsoldierlike manner; to report upon the conduct of an individual officer, and for this, and more than this is conveyed in the report it could be proved that, in gratification of private maof Colonel Munro, published by order of Sir George lice, he had taken that opportunity of stating the most Barlow If it was right, in the first instance, to dimi- infamous and malicious falsehoods-could it be urged nish the emoluments of so vast an army, it was cer- that his conduct might not be fairly scrutinized in a tainly indiscreet to give such reasons for it. If any court of justice, or a court-martial? If this were otherindividual had abused the advantages of the tent con- wise, any duty delegated by government to an inditract, he might have been brought to a court-martial; vidual would become the most intolerable source of and if his guilt had been established, his punishment, oppression: he might gratify every enmity and antiwe will venture to assert, would not have occasioned a pathy-indulge in every act of malice-vilify and traa moment of complaint or disaffection in the army; duce every one whom he hated-and then shelter himbut that a civilian, a gentleman accustomed only to self under the plea of public service. Every body has the details of commerce, should begin his government, a right to do what the supreme power orders him to over a settlement with which he was utterly unac- do; but he does not thereby acquire a right to do what quainted, by telling one of the bravest set of officers in he has not been ordered to do. Colonel Munro was the world, that, for six years past, they had been, in directed to make a report upon the state of the the basest manner, sacrificing their duty to their in- army: the officers whom he has traduced accuse him terest, does appear to us an instance of indiscretion, of reporting something totally different from the state which, if frequently repeated, would soon supersede of the army-something which he and every body else the necessity of any further discussion upon Indian knew to be different-and this for the malicious puraffairs. true, Colonel Munro could not plead the authority of pose of calumniating their reputation. If this was government; for the authority of government was afforded to him for a very different purpose. view of the case, we cannot see how the dignity of government was attacked by the proposal of the court.

The whole transaction, indeed, appears to have been gone into with a disregard to the common professional feelings of an army, which is to us utterly inexplicable. The opinion of the commander-in-chief, General Macdowall, was never asked upon the subject ;

In this

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