have in politics touched ground in the democratic and parliamentary republic. In religion, also, we may hope finally to plant our tent on solid ground between the reefs of atheism and the rocks of clericalism. This promised land will be renewed Christianity, or, to call it by its true name, Protestantism.

Some will still say to us, How do you expect us to change our religion in view of all the circumstances? The world is too old; our religious habits have become a second nature; our traditions are and have been for ages Catholic; we bow to Rome by a force of habit that we cannot resist; we obey because we have obeyed; we make signs and gestures because all do so around us. It is difficult to imagine spontaneous life in this dried clay. We reply: Recollect the deserts of Egypt, worn out and tarnished as are we; they did not hesitate to leap at a new thought in the horizon of other nations. Was Rome young when Paul came in the name of an unknown God"

to bring to it the words of mercy and peace? Did not even the dark Catacombs respond in a long echo? In short, were those nations young which, in the sixteenth century, responded to the calls of the Reformation, and were ready for conflicts of the faith?

We hear the reply that there is only one period in the life of nations ripe for a reforın or a renaissance; and that this Reformation should have succeeded in its own age; to-day it is too late; the opportunity once lost will not return. But do our opponents prove this? If it were a law of history that it never recommences, neither the Reformation nor the Renaissance would have taken place; for what were these but a return to ancient ideas, the Reformation resuming the work of primitive Christianity, and the Renaissance seizing anew the inspiration of Greece and Rome? The same ideas came to light at different periods with different success, as may be seen in the various republics of history. And if we cannot recommence the work of an epoch, nothing prevents us from resuming it at the point where it was interrupted. Persecutions seldom have the last word, as is proved by the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes.

The French Revolution left the religious work undone, and it is for us to undertake the renovation where the sixteenth century left the Reformation; we must take it up and finish it. FOURTH SERIES, VOL. XXXI.-34

We have lost two centuries in the ruts of the Middle Ages, while our neighbours have gone ahead. The instinct of the country feels this to-day, and the nation is inquiring the cause of the checks that it has received. Indeed, it knows them, and suffers from them, and would willingly remove them. It knows the name of the enemy that has shipwrecked it, and sees the light-house of the Reformation beckoning it to safety and a port. And for this reason our appeal will be heard. There are voices in the air and signs in the horizon indicating this. The religious crisis is now in an active state.

The cause only wants leaders-will Protestantism supply them? run new risks, and suffer new persecutions? Yes; because Protestantism has never abdicated its rights-the fire of proselytism is not extinguished in its bosom. As a proof of it, see its schools, its benevolent and religious associations of every kind-the foreign missions, the tract and Bible societies, that sprang spontaneously from its lap. Great sacrifices are made, and large sums expended to sustain these works. But hitherto these Protestant associations in France have failed, because they have worked with individuals rather than the masses. Now, individuals are only strong when they know themselves to be of a legion. The bravest soldier in the army displays all his courage only when he feels his regiment is behind him. In France this fear of isolation has been a great obstacle to reform.

It has been the error of French Protestantism to take too little account of human means; they might, perhaps, have triumphed in the religious wars had they not too long hesitated to defend their faith by force of arms. If, in the beginning, they had responded to violence by resistance, if they had not allowed their martyrs to be massacred while preaching obedience to established powers, if they had had less scruples in asking for foreign support when the Catholic party had already called the Spaniards into France, if they had not extended their necks to the assassins of Saint Bartholomew, they would have become masters of the situation, and the history of France would have been changed.

We press upon this point because we believe that a portion of the Protestant Church hesitates to encourage a movement such as we recommend. Eloquent and fervent preachers fear

that a political movement would bring to their ranks adherents more to be dreaded than desired; the pure current of their religion would be rendered turbid by floods of slime from neighboring marshes, and it would be choked by those who have no clear perception of gospel truths. The Church of the elect would be drowned in the Church of the multitude. To these we reply, You think you have the true and saving faith. The Gospel is in your eyes the way, the truth, and the life. Now, almost the whole of France lives to-day separated from evangelical teaching by fanaticism or anti-religious prejudices. Catholicism walls itself in against you by forbidding intercourse with your pastors, churches, and schools, and interdicting your Bible. On the other hand, liberalism, too much occupied in its conflicts with clericalism, lends but an absent or unwilling ear to your complaints.

We say: Let the barriers that separate us drop! It is true we are Freethinkers, but you yourselves claim free thought and investigation. Restore to us, in its integrity and purity, the Gospel which a hated Church has withdrawn from us. Who knows but that in the number of your new allies, your political adherents, many may follow you into the "narrow path." We offer you a field and a mode of evangelization, and we come to you on your reputation for liberalism and tolerance, and remind you of the word of the Master, "Knock, and it shall be opened unto you." If, before you open, you demand a profession of faith in all points like your own, we ask, Is this the way to extend the conquests of your Church, and bring souls to Christ?

Are not the Churches of the multitude the hearth where is renewed the flame of the Churches of the faithful? The more numerous the former, the more will be the chances of the latter. And, finally, if there are few chosen for the many called, is the way to increase the number of the chosen to restrict the number of the called? It is not thus that Jesus understood access to the kingdom of heaven. He bade his servants go out into the highways and by ways, and invite to the wedding all that they could find, good or evil, so that the wedding hall might be filled.

With mutual concessions we believe the alliance of Protestantism and democracy possible; let us join hands against the

perils that threaten society, liberty, the family, and religion. The signs and symptoms are favorable. The liberal and democratic press is advising rationalists, skeptics, and Christians who are only Christians, to range themselves under the official banner of Protestantism. The "Belgian Review" has an article entitled, "How raise an Altar against an Altar;" which shows the practical means of extending the Reformation in Belgium. The letters of Bouchard, counselor-general, openly abjuring Catholicism for Protestantism, have attracted much attention. Bouchard has already joined the Reformed Church. M. Turquet, republican deputy from Aisne, has just entered the Protestant Church with all his family, and it is said that his example will be followed by a whole village there. At Montmorin the work of evangelization extends to an entire community, and the Protestant place of worship is so crowded that hundreds leave the door. The little parish of Ain, tired of the demands of its curate, sent for a preacher of the Reformed Church, and, after having listened to him a few times, constituted themselves into a new Protestant congregation.

In Belgium the political contests are now clearly drawn between Liberals and Ultramontanes. Some of the best minds in the land are now engaged in showing to the statesmen and the people the necessity of throwing off the Catholic yoke in school and Church. Many men of mark have embraced Protestantism and become members of the Reformed Church. These movements are rapidly spreading in that part of Belgium where, in the sixteenth century, the Reformation was violently repressed by the ferocities of the Duke of Alva. Congregations are being formed and churches built, and the demand is for pastors to supply them.

In France men of all conditions and opinions are talking of the subject, and declaring themselves ready to join a movement to pass over to Protestantisin, which they consider far superior to the Catholicism in which they were raised. What prevents a great many is the fear of being singular, of making an excitement, and of exposing themselves to clerical wrath. Thus the individual conversion will be more rare than conversion in groups. What is needed, therefore, is to call every body to the glad tidings, and encourage them to form into Protestant communities. We must preach in the public squares,

use the press in the form of books and journals, and have meetings to promote the great cause of religious democracy.

We need a religious campaign, with a watchword that will harmonize with the present current of opinion, and open to it avenues of egress. If the idea of political conversions were admitted by both Protestants and republicans, and were to receive a vigorous start by the press, it would gain strength as a train of powder is fired by a spark. It has not cost many years to make France republican. With a campaign well conducted, it would hardly require more time to make France, which is only Catholic in name but anticlerical in fact, a Protestant France in fact.

Napoleon said at St. Helena that France would have followed him if he had run up the Protestant flag. If Napoleon could have done this, why cannot a republican nation do it? There is something that is even stronger than triumphant Cæsars-it is the Idea. Why cannot public opinion, aided by the press and the platform, effect the boast of the despot? All that we ask of the Government would be neutrality. We ask the liberty of public assembly for this purpose, a privilege which would have given victory to the Reformers of the sixteenth century. We propose the formation of societies of good men, Protestants by faith and judgment, who would act as heralds in the work of evangelization, and gather all the sympathies floating in the atmosphere of intelligent and liberal France. These would be the missionaries of the word, and would form a center around whom the believing and the doubtful would group. They should open their doors to all loyal and sincere alliances, though composed of groping men. In the confusion. of the start much base metal might flow in, but in time this could be separated from the pure.

A first group being formed, curiosity would be excited, and men would slip in first with one foot and then with two. They listen, and, hearing only frank and encouraging words, prejudices would fall. On returning to their homes they compare the teachings of the two creeds, and, feeling themselves strong in the company of friends to assist them in bearing the anathemas of a powerless Church, they hasten to join their brothers, and the movement thus commenced cannot fail to spread. In this work we count on France, but we count also