evident that this island would then have whole fleets passing to and from Canton, to fill its warehouses with the necessary stock, and to disperse it again in our cities. Let us suppose that to the Isle of Mull were conceded a similar privilege respecting sugar: the West Indies would pour thither their sweetest tribute, and the Baltic thence fetch its whole enormous and increasing consumption. Let us suppose, that, to the Isle of Sky were granted a like emancipation from custom house claims on coffee. In consequence of such exemptions, these three, or any three islands, might be rendered emporiums of the principal articles of East and West Indian produce; might be enabled to vend them throughout the British empire, and throughout Europe, with exclusive advantage; might engross the wholesale grocery of the world, and find it worth while to remove the giant's causeway, in order to build themselves moles, kays, docks, and warehouses.

Yet who does not perceive the silly injustice of such a method of localizing property and prosperity, and of giving an unnatural site to the resting-places of commerce. How much wholly needless labour would be wasted in loading and unloading, what might as well pass un interrupted to the Thames or the Elbe! How much revenue would be lost to the state, merely to destroy a vast value of property extant in the form of docks, warehouses, and communications, around London, and to create, in an inconvenient situation, an ineffectual substitute! And if instead of sugar, salt happened to be the object of projected exemption from excise, would the principle of the measure be less absurd, or less unjust? It is an ascertained fact, that, while things are left to their natural course, the herring-fishery is not carried on in the Western Isles, because it can be con ducted with more economy in old seaports; where ship-owners, warehouses, capital, and the means of sale and conveyance, are pre-established. Our author is not content that it should continue to flourish where it has struck root; he wants to banish it westward into Tirree and Uist, and to tempt the removal of the necessary capitals, by taking off the duty on salt. This would be imitating the kings of the age of chivalry, who pensioned men for playing the fool.

It is contended, and truly, that the Isle of Man derives advantage from such a privilege. This is not an argument

for extending, but restricting it. Why should people be pensioned for residing there, who would else reside at Liver pool? Notwithstanding the local bounty, such is the amount of labour saved by carrying on a manufacture in a district crowded with labourers and capitals; that these districts can afford the addi tional burden of duty, and yet compete successfully both in the foreign and in the dometic market, with the fishmongers of the Hebrides. That the Isle of Man has been injudiciously privileged can be no proof that local exemptions are useful to the whole state.

The specific proposal, which this pro fusely worded pamphlet is intended to usher in, occurs in the following paragraph:

can be obtained that are worth looking after "If then it appears that no duties on salt from the Highlands and Western Isles of Scotland, why not allow salt to be imported at least into these districts in the same mannet as it is allowed to be imported into the Isle of Man? Any possible injury that could arise to the revenue must be from an idea of the free-duty salt being exported from hence to the southern counties of Scotland or to England.

Surely there is much more danger of salt being so smuggled from the Isle of Man to either of those parts of the united kingdom which are immediately adjacent to that island; and although there were no doubt some small quantities smuggled in this way, before the salt was put under the ecise in Great Britain, yet the quantity was never great, and it now must be much less. To suppose salt would be re-exported to England from the Highlands and Isles in any considerable quantities, is futile and absurd: and the little that could be sent to the low countries of Scotland, could never injure the revenues to any perceptible amount; it would be easy, by rendering any such transaction felony, to prevent any attempt of that nature, which indeed would hardly ever be made, as the inhabitants would feel the benefit of the indulgence so much, that they would prevent any idle or disorderly person from so doing

"Provision, however, must be made that the salt so imported must be allowed to be landed without waiting for Custom-house or Excise officers to inspect its landing, otherwise, as has been the case respecting the taking off the coal duty, in as far as regards the body of the people whom it is meant to relieve, the privilege would be nugatory."

It is wonderful, it is lamentable, that such projectors can originate in the country of Adam Smith. He seems to have lived in vain. We go on granting local privileges, founding chartered compa

There are few Scotchmen, says an ethic observer, who do not love their country better than truth; the political observer may have to add, there are few who do not love it better than justice. And what is the use of all the exemptions, indulgences, and privileges, for which, ever since the Union, they have so jealously been stickling? Their country continues relatively poor, because of them. The vigour of British opulence would propel its circulation to the extremities, would they but submit to the wholesome perspiration of uniform taxes. Children are advised to catch birds by putting salt on their tails; such is exactly this recipe for catching herrings. We catch enow for the effectual demand of

our domestic population, and of the Me. diterranean market. Whenever the ave rage selling price rises, and it will always bear a regular proportion to that of other substitutable food, the proper bounty will be offered for extending our fisheries. If this bounty is not offered by the consumer, to extend them would be a public injury; it would divert capital from a more profitable to a less profitable employment. If this bounty is offered by the consumer, the fisheries will extend, without any interference of the state, until they become commensurate with the increased demand for their produce.

We are, however, far from thinking a tax on salt to be an expedient source of revenue: we wish that the excise on salt, as on leather, candles, and all other cbjects of very popular consumption, were commuted for an additional tax on rent, or on windows. The relief to commerce and to the numerous classes would be great, and the new burden would press on sources which maintain the idle, cr on the capital value of what cannot be too cheaply transferable.

ART. LXXIII. An Enquiry into the present State of the Military Force of the Brituh Empire, with a view to its Reorganization; addressed to the Right Hon. W. Pitt. By Lieut. Col. R. T. WILSON, K. M. T. 8vo. pp. 106.

THE high reputation of sir R. T. Wilson will obtain, and deserve, additional eminence from this bold, but very necessary, Enquiry. If the continental nations are likely to desert the arts and habits of peace for military occupations, it is essential to the retainal of British power and independence also to have skilful armies. Industry will, and must, somewhat suffer by the attempt; for all warlike people are a little idle, and fear danger less than labour. But industry is chiefly busied in the collection of superfluities; whereas the art of self-defence is a necessary to national existence. That military bodies become efficacious, in proportion as they approach standing armies is now generally agreed. Volunteers are less serviceable than militia, and militia than regulars. The soldiers, who are bound to obey their officer only once a week, or only a few months in the year, and who are at all other times at liberty to manage their own affairs their own way, without being in any respect accountable to him, can never be under the same awe in his presence, have the same disposition to ready

obedience, with those whose whole life and conduct are every day directed by him, and who every day even rise and go to bed, or at least retire to their quarters, according to his orders. In what is called discipline, or in the habit of ready obedience, a volunteer or a militia force must always be still more inferior to a standing army, than in the management and use of its arms. In modern war, this habit of ready and instant obedience is of much greater consequence than any s periority of physical strength or of moral zeal. The despotic mechanism of dis cipline is found to be more powerful in producing the effect of steady courage. than all the intellectual motives of the orators derived from the love of wires and children, or of the bible and salva tion. Those citizen-soldiers, who, from connection, education, and stake in the country, might be supposed to feel most the ideal stimulus of heroism, if less subjected to discipline than the unwilling victims of a parish ballot, who have no thing to defend but the workhouse they were reared in, would be found inferier to these for the purposes of military

conflict. Sir R. T. Wilson well accounts had received its reinforcements, a fatal proof for this truth of experience.

to the contrary would assuredly have been manifested, and even now the errors of the establishment may only be correcte! after a severe experience of their existence. The creation, in time of danger, of an amphibi ous force, partially partaking of the military character, but incessantly maintaining the nature, and appuying itself upon the rights of the citizen, is no more than an artifice to impose by a return of numbers; but is in fact a body affording no real protection to the

state,

"When a government has formed a sufficient regular army to oppose the force which menaces to attack her, then the addition of an armed population will ensure a decided superiority, and materially contribute to shorten the contest, but until the regular army is completed, all parochial military ex tablishments counteract the proposed object, and encrease the difficulty of providing an efficient defence. Such an extension of the volunteer system is also ruinous, since a whole nation must march to repel an invasion. Nobles, gentry, manufacturers, artizans, peasants, must all leave their homes, their occupations, and their families, whereas a well regulated defensive force would probably prevent invasion, and at all events secure the empire from the uneasiness and inconveniencies of this expensive, and, after all, nonmilitary array.

After dismissing, by such theoretical reasoning, the volunteer system altoge ther, some proposals are made for im proving the present establishment, if it must be retained, in the following

quet, and a feudal attachment would, in a great degree, supersede the necessity for any martial control. But when country volunteers are regimented, the respect and affection for their own particular officers is absorbed in the enlargement of the establishment; whilst the commanding officer, or the adjutant, who is in most cases the efficient commandant, cannot possibly substitute an equal principle of action. Gentlemen finding themselves without any responsibility, neg lect attendance, and gradually withdraw altogether."

For our own parts we should incline to the abolition of the militia system, rather than of the volunteer system. Militia men are removed from their homes far enough and long enough to be spoiled for domestic life and habits of industry, without being fitted for thorough soldiers. Why not substitute a stationary militia of volunteers to the ancient vagabond ill-devised establishment? Some convenient size of district, a hundred or wapentake for instance, might be compelled to train each its company by a weekly drill: the term of engagement might be limited, in peace to two, in war to three years. If a shilling were allowed for each attendance to the members of the trained band, and the privilege of attending limited to those under five and twenty, it is probable that this Sunday labour, this half a day's work, when nothing else can be earned, would supply us with a voluntary armed peasantry, of whom the idle would enlist, and the industrious be adequate to every demand for domestic defence, or public tranquillity.

The allusion of Sir R. T. Wilson to the present militia, and the critique of the army of reserve, are full of interesting remarks; but those which it is most important to heed without delay, and which do most honour to his judgment and humanity, respect the regular army. We can give place to a few of the more peculiar.

A hint is thrown out (at p. 50) that the garrisons in the West Indies might advantageously be fed with men collected from the southern coasts of the Mediterranean, and that Malta and Gibraltar would be convenient stowages for such recruits.

The practice of enlisting for life is justly reprehended (at p. 53), as liberticidal, impolitic, and unkind; and the excessive frequency of corporal punish

ment is noticed with admirable dexterity and delicacy.

"How many soldiers, whose prime of life has been passed in the service, and who have behaved with unexceptionable conduct, have been whipt eventually for an accidental indiscretion; an absence from tattoo-beating, or even a dirty shirt. Intoxication is an odious vice, and since the duke of York has been at the head of the army, officers have ceased to pride themselves upon the insensate capability of drinking; but nevertheless, flogging is too severe as a general pu nishment for what has been the practice of officers, and also most decidedly fails in carrecting the disposition to drink. Cleanliness is a virtue, and highly essential for the health. of the soldier; but surely there are a thou sand ways of enforcing attention to dress, and producing a love of decent appearance, without having recourse to such rigour as corporal punishment. Absence from quar. ters is a great fault, and must be checked but is there no aliowance to be made for young men, and the temptations which may occur to seduce such an occasional neglect of duty; would not confinement for an evez ing or two afterwards be a sufficient mortifis

cation ?"

And again,

"The sense of shame is the feeling which should be worked upon, unless the subject is incorrigibly depraved, and then he is unfit to enjoy the advantages of a soldier's situ tion, but should be sent to some station where he could do no mischief by the influence of his evil communication, and where he might be employed in constant laborious duties.

66

Corporal punishment ought to be rare in the British service, that whenever inflicted, such an event should be considered as re markable, and then the impression would be advantageous; but the eye is now so familiarized to such spectacles, that the sight is no longer sickening or disgusting, and conse quently, as indifference gains ground, hope There is no maxim more true than that eruof improvement by example must_recede. elty is generated in cowardice, and that hu manity is inseparable from courage. The ingenuity of officers should be exercised ta devise modes of mitigating the punishment, and yet maintaining discipline. If the heart be well disposed, a thousand different me thods of treating offences will suggest them selves, but to prescribe positive penalties for breaches of duty is impossible, since no twa cases are ever exactly similar.

Qui fruitur poena ferus est, legumque videtur
Vindictum præstare sibi. Diis proximus

ille est

Quem ratio non ira movet; qui facta repen- efficacious than the discipline of the body, and how much more satisfactory?

Art. LXXIV. A Letter to Sir Robert Wilson, K. M. T. By an ENGLISHMAN. 8vo. pp. 70.