Page images
PDF
EPUB

critical clause of exclusion has been Levised. If this party should gain the scendancy, and the most pestilent vern always multiply the fastest, the peral laws which they have now printed in terrorem, will be put in practice with a vengeance. We have had once already tere in England a taste of the reign of the saints, and it was not the least of its mischiefs, that it prepared us for the rign of the sinners which followed. Woe be to us if we live to see a parliament of Ebenezers, or an associa tion of Ebenezers dictating the laws.

A&T. XVIII. Outlines of rational Patriotism,

FIELD.

THIS pamphlet is so pious as to read re like a sermon than a political address. It contains some very doubtful jern assertions, as that the French inHs (p. 11.) annually raised and spent 0001. sterling, in printing anti-chrisa books. It contains some very doubt

It might be very amusing, as well as instructive, to hear Mr. Godwin read his recantation in a white sheet; and Mr. Wilberforce in his tender mercy remit Mr. Fellowes the punishment due to his damnable heresies, on condition of his believing in unconditional grace! But dearly should we purchase these edifying spectacles at the expence of that freedom, civil and religious, which our fathers purchased with their blood, and trans. mitted to us as our dearest and noblest inheritance.

and a Plea for Loyalty. By J. F. HATSvo. pp. 87.

ful antiquarian assertions, as that the English were a free and well-governed people (p. 45.) in the fourteenth century. There is a medley of topics every where, which is in bad taste; but the style is unaffected, and the strain of sentiment respectable.

Art. XIX. Reflections on the Menaced Invasion, and the Means of protecting the Capital, &c. By Colonel GEORGE HANGER. 8vo. pp. 207.

THIS declamatory but patriotic vome contains copious extracts from the tary reflections published by colonel Hanger in 1795; some speculations conning invasion; a letter to the earl of Harrington on the proposed fortification London; a dissertation on volunteers; ad the suggestion of an improvement in diers musquets. From the penultimate dissertation we shall borrow a few Fords, as having the most popular bearEg and interest.

"

than it has at present; not that I am for indiscriminately putting arms into the hands of every one who applied for a firelock; for then we should see men drunk in the public streets, committing various armed outrages: but I wish to see the day that every man within twenty miles of the sea-coast, under 50 years of age, shall understand, in some degree, the use of arms, so as to act against the enemy as irregulars and good marksmen; and that in every village, there shoud be a depôt of arms for them to fly to in case of invasion, to oppose the French. It being full as necessary, when arms are deposited in every I desire, gentlemen, that my meanings village for the use of the countrymen, that ay not be misconstrued. I do not wish they should be taught the use of them in tis country to pin its faith for its protection some degree, I will state measures which, I vely on the volunteers; I cannot, I trust, am of opinion, should be adopted throngh I thought guilty of such an absurdity; no, out the whole country contiguous to the sea. 413 most distant from my thoughts; I am They should be taught solely and only the well acquainted with the real power of a priming and loading motions; they should ell-disciplined body of regulars, not to re- be formed into companies, under the comrence and respect the science; yet by no mand of intelligent persons, who are parmans would I have the services of the vo- ticularly well acquainted with the country; neers undervalued; for I am confident, and when employed against the enemy, Pat, to their co-operation with the British should never give them battle, but harass y, the country will owe its safety in case and distress the foe as much as lies in their vasion. We are partly become an armed power. In order to make them a destruc; but I am so thoroughly convinced tive and dangerous body of irregulars, every dat a nation, really armed, can never be Sunday, after divine service, (I trust the quered, though not one-tenth of them be learned and pious prelates and pastors will reglars, that I ata for extending the system not object to it) they should be instructed in farming the nation to a much greater de- firing at the target, until they become good Free than it has yet been carried, to enable it marksmen. to defend its dearest rights.

"A system of arming the mass of the peohould extend, by many degrees, further

"I am of opinion, that it would be by far more laudable to grant prizes to be shot for at the target, than to give goll-kert hars

to encourage men to break one another's heads. Give prizes to be shot for to encourage men in the defence of their country; make them of real utility in becoming skilful marksmen; let them learn how to draw blood from an enemy, who lands to rob, plunder, and desolate their country. This is a most useful and noble science; that of drawing blood from a neighbour's head is insignificant and useless. After they are taught to fire tolerably well at the target, prizes should be given often, particularly at Easter, Whitsuntide, and Christmas; let the greatest prize be a strong brown cloth lighttroop jacket, with a badge in white metal on the right arm, descriptive of a target, with a bull's-eye in the middle. Let the inferior prizes be hats, waistcoats, shoes, stockings, shirts, silk neck handkerchiefs. A very trif ling subscription in the neighbourhood would supply the above articles. Let every person of consequence in the country encourage the peasantry (instead of spending money in contending, one with the other, for the superiority of skittles, quoits, shuffle-board, bowls, nine-pins, and various other insignificant and useless games) to contend for the small wages they may chuse to pay with their neighbours by firing at the target, and discourage all other games for money or for liquor. This would create an emulation amongst the people, would tend to make them formidable against the enemy. Let men of wealth give hogsheads of ale, divided into smaller barrels, to be shot for by the peasantry in their district at Christmas, to take home to their families, to rejoice their hearts and gladden the countenance. Let white metal badges, the size of a crown piece, be given to the best shots, to be worn on the right arm, in miniature, exactly resembling a target, with a bull's eve in the center. This would create an emulation; any man would be proud of wearing such an honourable mark of his own dexterity. If this be done, you will have a formidable force of irregular marksmen all over England, within twenty miles of the

sea coast, all well acquainted with every de file, rivulet, swamp, and path over the encl sures, and through the woods. Then if t thousand devils were to land, and every of with a tail, cloven feet and claws, oppos by such an armed multitude, and the st force in arms which we already have, would soon wish themselves out of i country."

Much dissatisfaction is expressed this author at the severe criticism of t volunteer corps, which has occasion appeared in Cobbett's Register: he thin it hostile to public spirit. No doubt has contributed to numerous resig tions; but it has called forth an atte tion to the regular forces, highly c ducive to our security, and far more: vourable to the preservation of that d sion of labour and separation of emp ments, which can alone secure the r quisite skill in each distinct departme of exertion. It is an insult to the 1 to suppose our danger can require a universal armament on shore. If w become a military nation, we shall ce to be an industrious one: the arts peace are, or ought to be, a more perm neat interest than the arts of war. P we may have an army sufficient for protection, and equal to our external dertakings, without becoming an arm people. Liberty is less in danger fre a large standing army, than the dynas in power: generals have often been us pers; but usurpers have often been r dressers of grievances. An order of t bility is the great protection against t usurpation of armies; because it is authority perpetual, numerous, and destructible. Representative bodies. too dissoluble and perishable to resist litary tyranny.

ART. XX. Thoughts on the National Defence. 8vo. pp. 137. THIS pamphlet, though not animating, is rational; and, if it does not display the good management of flattering the national prejudices, it displays the good sense of not partaking them. It disadvises, with convincing arguments from experience, those dodging continental invasions of the French coast, so common in all our wars, and so regularly fruitless and disgraceful.

"Against Rochfort we sent a very e siderable land-force, our fleet took a bath on the side of Aix, that commanded the i

bour, and we made dispositions to land: bour, and we made dispositions to land; upon further consideration, gave up the terprise, as too considerable for our me

Examples of what has been, may be of use as to what may be; and a cursory review of some former enterprises of this kind, will

not hold out much encouragement to us, to pursue that sort of offensive war.

At L'Orient we got into the town, plundeed a little, re:fred, and were glad to embark a. in as soon as we could.

66

Against St. Malo, we landed a large for in Concale Bay, marched to opposite town, summoned it to surrender; but, b forgot to bring horses to get up our hea... tillery, we contented ourselves with bur some small mercantile vessels, and m barked.

66

At Cherbourg, we so far succeeded ** I get the possession of the town, abandone want of any troops to defend it; we br off a few old brass gur that were found i and destroyed the sinices of a new bason was making, (which a little labour and pence would soon repair), and reimbarked.

"On a second expedition against St. Malo, with a smaller force than that which had efore got up to the walls of the town, we Linded on the other side, having a river between us. This attempt was equally given p; but we very idly loitered on the coast, l we judged it prudent to reimbark before an inferior force at St. Cas; and, in that disgraceful and ill-conducted operation, lost 700

[ocr errors]

At Belle Isle we succeeded better; and, after a regular siege of some length, and some toes, took the town of Palais, and kept possession of the island during that war; but never found it of any use to us.

"At Teneriffe we landed a very inadequate force, for its object, of marines and seamen, without having any land oilicers to ronduct the operations on shore. We lost 700 men in attacking the town and batteries; and happy was it for the admiral, and every ma-officer of the fleet who had followed his sample, in volunteering to go on shore to Lead the marines and seamen, that, by the trous consent of the Spanish commander, shey were allowed, with the remainder of their men, to return to their ships.

“At Quiberon, the whole of the land operations were so ill conducted, and the plan was so ill laid, as only to draw in the poor people of La Vendée to more certain destruction, and to sacrifice the lives of many of the unfortunate émigrant officers who had retised to this country, and whem, against their opinions of success, we piqued to go, to he shot at in cold blood as rebels; which fate, all who were taken, suffered.

"At Ostend, not only our inadequate obgc of destre ing the canal works near that place completely failed, but, after losing a great many men on their landing, our geneal, and a great part of his troops, were made

prisoners.

"At the Helder, we indeed obtained the transfer of the Dutch fleet in the Texel, from the then government of Holland to the prince of Orange; but the combined forces of Engand and Russia, making together a considerahe army, after having made good their landng, having advanced into the country, and aad several actions with various success, were thought under a necessity to capitulate, for permi-sion to reimbark without molestation, and to purchase it, by agreeing that we should restore 8 or 10,000 French scamen we ad made prisoners of war, without ransom, change, or payment for their maintenance. “At Boulogne, after various unsuccessful attempts in the last war, on a small scale, to destroy their vessels at anchor before the pace, we made a more serious attack on them in boats, in which the bravery of our officers and seamen only served to make our loss the mere severe, and we completely failed in our altempt, as we have done since in our repeated endeavours to destroy the shipping at

that port.

"At Ferrol, we put on shore a considera bie land-force, without any material oppo

sition; but, on a nearer view of the defences of the place, and consideration of the circumstances, our general thought the enterprise too hazardous for his force; or, perhaps, restrained by his private orders from running much risk with his army destined for other services, reimbarked his troops without attempting any thing further.

[ocr errors]

Off Cadiz we appeared with a large fleet and army, endeavouring to avail ourselves of the distresses that a most dreadful mortality, little short of the plague, was occasioning in the town, and summoned it to surrender; but, on refusal, we never attempted to land, and abandoned that project.

"Wherever the blame may lie, the frequent failure of these expeditions is not very inviting to renew that kind of offensive war, even when we may have the means."

The author then proceeds to advise a system purely defensive, and to recommend, as the most efficient form of defence, a vast increase of the militia.-Whence arises the strange prejudice in fayour of our militia? The whole militia system is the inversion of common sense. 1.

The privates are chosen by lot; in consequence of which, a large proportion of persons, physically unfit for military difficulty, are always to be remarked in the ranks. If the men were selected by ege, a militia might consist of the ablebodied; and, where residence is requisite, this is the wisest course: but to select by recruiting is always most expedient, because a given bounty goes furthest in the lean and lacking corners of the empire, and consequently attracts a larger proportion of those who are reared in privation and misery, and who are therefore most equal to the wear and tear of a campaign.

2. The men serve for five years, and are accepted repeatedly. Whatever body is principally relied on for domestic defence, ought to keep in view the training of as many individuals as possible to the use of arms. The term of service, therefore, should be short, and the rotation of men requisite: but we call out the same half-bred soldiers year after year, tolerate such vast intervals of duty as to preclude the acquisition of military excellence, and require such intervals of displacement and strange residence, as effectually to destroy the habits of domesticity and of industry: a mere militia-man is neither a citizen nor a soldier; he is usually unfitted to thrive, and not fitted to fight.

3. A qualification of property is requisite in the officers. In all ages it has been found, that the needy adventurer

makes the best soldier; that the spirit which spends off its last guinea, and trusts to courage and to fortune for the morrow, is connected with the spirit which is blind to the bayonet, deaf to the cannon, foremost in the breach, and first on the rampart.

4. The consequential office of lordlieutenant extends over too large a district; the excessive size of our shires being the cause which renders it impossible to reconcile a life of industry with service in the militia. If the place of drill were within a Sunday walk, habits of domesticity might co-exist with a weekly parade.

5. Surgeons are disqualified from being captains: whereas a medical education is a most desirable accomplishment in a soldier, and ought rather to entitle a man to this rank. That individual knowledge of his company, which his professional attentions would secure, is an advantage to be coveted.

6. A religious qualification is required, not only of the privates, but of the serjeants and corporals: they are compelled to swear that they are protestants; thus excluding deists, catholics, and jews, from the first steps of military promotion and preferment. Christianity, as Macchiavelli long ago observed, is not the natural religion of a soldier: it exacts a purity and tenderness of conduct, impracticable among masses of men, and during the conflicts of warfare; yet, by this regulation, the other sects are the excluded.

7. Various persons are exempted being ballotted for; which, as substitutes are allowed, is also a pecuniary privi lege. And to whom is this pecuniary privilege granted?-To peers, to gentlemen serving in the army, to young men entered at college, to the clergy, to apprentices and articled clerks, to persons free of the watermen's company, and to all those whom the boards of ord nance or admiralty may choose to recken as under their employment. Not one cf these classes has any reasonable pretext for exemption. Of a well devised militia, adapted to protect property, and repel invasion, apprentices and articled clerks would form the great basis. Nor ought female housekeepers to escape paying for substitutes: with the progress of luxury marriages take place later, widowhood grows commoner, and the mass of dowager property becomes a very prominent form of liberal income. Quakers escape for ten pounds penalty, though substitutes often cost more. Ia short, to whatever part of the militiasystem the sttention is turned, these flaws and blemishes abound. It interferes with recruiting for the army, without providing an analogous substitute force; it is costly, without being efficacious; and is as useless to our liberties as to our defence.

A courageous and well-reasoned discussion of the utility of the royal prerogative of making peace or war, occurs at the 128th page: it deserves permanent

remembrance.

ART. XXI. Hon ur or Infamy: a Letter to the Army, Navy, and People of England. on the dread Alternative, the eventful Choice, invade or be invaded. By PUBLICOLA. Svo. pp. 36.

THIS pamphlet recommends, in a turgid declamatory style, the invasion of France by British forces. Our armies are advised to renew the glorious exploits of Cressy, Poictiers, andAgincourt, of Blenheim, Minden, and Quebec. This is easily advised, but not easily effected: moral, causes contribute much to the event of every attempt at conquest: un

less a disposition exists among the people to tolerate the progress of an invading army, no invading army can be lon progressive. It is therefore essential to continental success, to look out for cosmopolitical grounds of warfare, for po pular interests to abet and support. By an opposite conduct the antijacobin ruined their country and Europe.

ART. XXII. Hints to the People of the United Kingdom in general, and of North Britain in particular, on the present important Crisis; and some interesting collateral Subjects. By W. DICKSON, LL. D. 8vo. pp. 34.

THIS address was, no doubt, published at the time of the original armament of the volunteers. It is well adapted to satisfy the people with their military task. It details the practical bene

fits of the British constitution with rational panegyric, and closes with animating declamation against the violence of invading foes. When these commonplaces shall require to be repeated to the

next generation, we counsel the declaimer to look back to the hints of Dr. Dick

It is satisfactory to observe the altered and liberal tone, which prevails in all the recent addresses to the volunteers; it Leems to be felt, (to borrow the words of speaker of the house of commons), that "compulsory obedience, advanced Ly the transcendent power of preroga

tive, is too weak to support the right of government; it is the affections and estates of the people, tied with the threads of obedience by the rules of law, that fasten safety and prosperity to the crown. The experiment of older times makes it manifest to the world, that the honour and glory of this throne is to command the hearts of freemen."

ART. XXIII. Patriotism, or the Love of our Country; an Essay, illustrated by Examples from antiest and modern History; dedicated to the Volunteers of the United Kingdom. By WILLIAM. FREND, Esq. 8vo. pp. 218.

ALL animals are attached, in proporto their vividness of memory, to the ats of their early pleasures. The fafar scenes become associated with the ments which they sheltered or be wel: and thus the love of home, and neighbourhood, progressively origi

A cat is as subject as a mountaineer to home-sickness. To return among rformer haunts, she will forsake an algent for a harsh protector. A dispation to defend her usual range of ell against intruders, is very apparent the cat: the dog is loyal, and fights his master; but the cat is patriotic, fights for her home. The art of riving, and the knack of accommodaI have some concern with the locality a cat's attachment; she requires much patience of the premises she inhabits, Low where and when to watch and imb and hide, so as to earn her board; escape confinement, and to behave ly: in short, she has many, both of emeral and physical associations Much h compose patriotism. In the cat, * domineering sense is the sight; its ons of idea being more distinct than se of the other senses, are more easily vived without confusion; and hence a memory usually accompanies the evalence of this sense. Hartley observes, (proposition 4), personal attachments, and social ections, are mostly founded on the we of taste; that they derive ultimately this scurce, and that it has been stomary in all ages and nations, and is Amanner necessary that we should y the pleasures of taste, in contion with our relatives, friends, and ighbours: we should else not acquire e appropriate affection. This observais so true, that in all languages faher signifies feeder; and the love of our

[ocr errors]

kindred is very nearly proportioned to the frequency and efficiency with which they partake and contribute to our pleasures of the table. Those persons are observed to be most affectionate, whose palate is the most sensitive and percipient. He, who wants an exertion of benevolence, does well to apply after dinner.

In the dog, the taste and smell are the domineering sense; for they are, in fact, but one sense, being both conversant with one and the same class of perceptions. He is accordingly full of affection, and clings or fawns about those, by whom, and with whom, he is fed. The ancient fidelity of vassals to their lords, has decaved with the ancient conviviality. The most approved method of attaching the multitude to a party-leader, is to make or advertise dinners in his honour.

Nationality, as far as it exists in the rude uneducated human animal, is chiefly a compound of the patriotism of the cat, and of the loyalty, or rather friendliness, of the dog. There is a love of the land we live in, which seems proportionate to the impressive or indelible character of its scenery; and which is sensibly stronger in our highlanders, than in our fenmen, as it is among the Swiss, than among the Hollanders. There is also a love of the people we belong to, which seems proportioned to the frequency of hospitality; that is, to the condensation of populousness, or nearly so, and is certainly stronger in townsmen than in rustics.

This nationality, or patriotism, which results from physical impressions, may be termed instinctive: it includes associations derived from other senses, than the sight and taste; but these associations prevail. It should seem therefore that those nations, and those classes of men, will be most addicted to patriotism,

« PreviousContinue »