1

with the greatest care and neatnefs, is evidently lefs indebted, for any excellence it may poffefs, to ingenioufnefs of defign, than to the machinery employed in the execution. In architecture and fculpture, the inferiority of our genius to that of the ancients appears in this, that we adopt their manner, though encumbered with a mythology univerfally exploded, and with various allufions at this day utterly unintelligible. A like obfervation may be made on the prefent ftate of all the arts of defign. Poetry, of the higheft, that is, the epic kind, we have none. Defcriptive poetry ftill exifts, fupported, and infpired, by the fublime views of philofophy, in thefe times of inquiry and precifion, the only mufes. The fprightlinefs of the ode is cramped by the fame caufes that flatten all attempts at epic compofition. A few tragedies have been compofed, even in the prefent age, which breathe the pathetic and heroic fentiments of nature, rouzed by grand and interefting occafions: and the corruption of the times, united with a certain dexterity and quaintnefs of obfervation, has produced a few tolerable comedies. But the bold and expreffive tone of both the tragic and comic muse, since the times of Shakspeare, Congreve, Vanbrugh, Otway, Lee, Farquhar, and Thomfon, has been exchanged, on the whole, for fentimental whining, and pert and vulgar vivacity, employed by the microscope of little minds, attentive to the minute particularities or bizarreries of character, and fingularities of fituation, rather than to the great and affecting difplays of human nature. Our comedies, and even our tragedies, are in general nothing elfe than tranflations from the french, or a juxta-pofition, rather than a connexion and dependency of fcenes, drawn from fome wretched novel, by fome laborious artificer of plays, with greater regard to the humours of the day, than the conduct of the mind, the laws of compofition, or to poetical juftice. Accordingly, the indignation, and the ridicule of the mufe, fo much dreaded in the reign of queen Anne, and George 1, has no longer any nighty terrours. Poetry has become contemptible, fince the fuffered herfelf to be led blindfold by temporary caprices and whims, inftead of flying on the wings of general maxims, opinions, interefts, and paffions: in other words, fince she became, not indeed in all, but in fo many inftances, a procurefs, not a cenfor of vice and folly. There is at prefent what is called a rage for MUSIC. From feveral accidental causes, rather than any refinement of taste or manners, mufic is violently in fafhion: but though harmony, and contra-punto be well understood, and carried into great complication, pathos and melody are ufually facrificed or neglected. Many perfons there' are of both fexes, who feek and acquire a reputation for skill in mufic, By dextrous and quick execution, without the leaft perception of melody, or fweet found, nay, and by fome who are almost deftitute of the fenfe of hearing. This fhows, not the progrefs of mufic, but the prevalence of fashion. In poetry, and in mufic too, we know of a very few exceptions. But to fpecify these is no part of this general fketch of the prefent ftate and application of the arts and fciences.

Of this retrogradation, or at leaft ftagnation of the liberal arts, contrafted with the progrefs of mechanical invention, curiofity is ftrongly prompted to inveftigate the caufe.

The circumftances that nourished and matured the liberal arts in Greece and Rome, fuch as an enlivening climate as well as government, and the most beautiful models of imitation in the natural and

the moral world, have been pointed out, with juft and profound criticifm, by Mr. Blackwell, in his life of Homer, and by other writers. The advantages of the inductive or experimental philofophy over all theoretical fyftems, however plaufible and ingenious, have alfo been illuftrated. The fpirit of avarice, in a commercial age, it has also been obferved, is grovelling and impotent, and wealth negligent and prone to fenfual indulgence: fo that, in times of accumulated wealth and extended commerce, men lofe a defire of excellence in a propenfity to enjoyment. But this argument, if juft, as it no doubt is to a certain degree, bears equally against the advancement of fcience, with it's ufeful application, and the liberal arts. Setting this therefore afide as a co-efficient in algebra, let us feck for a folution of our problem, why the mechanical arts have flourished, and still flourish in modern times, more than the liberal; or, more generally, why the fine arts are not in a state of rapid advancement, from circumftances inherent in their own nature.

Discoveries of all kinds, with their application to useful inventions, are not commonly the effects of genius or extraordinary capacity, fo much as of time, and well-directed induftry. The difcoveries and inventions of paft, ferve as hints for exercifing the contrivance of prefent times: and thus lay a wider and wider foundation for building the grand pyramid of science, in the fame manner that the accumulation of wealth, or moveable capital, multiplies manufactures, and enlarges the fphere of commerce. In the common arts of life, the knowledge of individuals paffes from generation to generation, or, as in the tribes and cafts of the hindoos, from father to fon. In the fine arts the human mind is bounded by itself: nor can the genius of one be tranfmitted and transfufed into another. Apelles, Homer, Xenophon, and other great men of antiquity, could not leave their genius behind them; and therefore we admire, without being able to equal them. But while we regard fuch men as our masters, we look upon what are called the mechanical arts as then only in their infancy. On the whole, the mechanical arts, allied to fcience, are in their nature progreffive: the liberal, dependent on individual genius, and influenced and formed by temporary and local circumstances, more variable and defultory.

NATIONAL AFFAIRS.

FRANCE.

ALTHOUGH the negotiation for peace has been broken off; it has, Short as it was, difcovered feveral points of great importance, as they ferve to throw fome light on the fpirit, principles, and views of the negotiating parties, and may therefore contribute, in fome degree, to direct our conduct in future, military as well as political.

The BRITISH AMBASSADOR propofed, as a bafis for pacification, the principle of mutual restoration on the ground of mutual compenfation. This was rejected by the directory, who faid, No; let us

hear

hear the final propofitions of all the parties at war with the republic, and then we fhall determine concerning the admiffibility of the prin ciple. Lord Malmesbury, preffed, indeed peremptorily, and in no very gracious manner (for a great degree of rudenefs characterifed the manner of the new fovereigns) called on to declare his ultimatum, exprefsly declared that

THE RETENTION of the NETHERLANDS by France was not to be admitted: although he gave it to be understood that, if any overture fhould be made, by which the Netherlands might pafs into the hands of fome power different from thofe of both Auftria and France, it might be taken into confideration. This modification would probably have been liftened to, if either the directory had been inclined, or the nation clamorous, as it was expected they would be, for peace, But it was most decidedly and inftantly rejected. The fecurity of the new. republic required the ftrong barrier of the Rhine. The acquifitions made by England from Holland, and the extenfion of the auftrian, pruffian, and ruffian dominions, by the partition of Poland, rendered it neceffary that France too fhould extend her territorial poffeffions to natural boundaries, not only for her own fafety, but for preferving the political balance of Europe. Such an arrondiffement would, alfo, prevent a return of thofe wars, that had for two centuries afflicted the Netherlands. Farther, the faith of the republic to their belgian allies was not to be violated on any account; and, furthermore, it was alleged, in converfation, as well as in publications on the fide of the directory, that the belgians, were they to form a feparate and free ftate, not united to the republic, would never fubmit again to the auftrian yoke. Be it," fays Mr. du font: " for the fake of peace, let the Netherlands be left to the emperor: only let him come and take them." Undoubtedly the inhabitants of thofe fine countries have a very ftrong intereft in being under the protection of any government that would avert the defolations of war, if it be at all tolerable. When the interefts of France, and of the natives, concur with the hand of nature, and the events of war, it will be difficult indeed to break the force of fuch a coalition.

In the mean time, the rulers of France laboured to make a feparate peace with the emperor; they hinted an indemnification to his imperial majefty in the fecularization and attachment to his hereditary dominions, of the three ecclefiaftical electorates, and fome bifhoprics in both Germany and Italy. They talked, alfo, of the creation of new electors; and mentioned particularly three names, the ftadtholder, and the dukes of Brunswick and Wirtemberg.

It is highly worthy of obfervation, as truly characteristic of the felfihness of men, and especially of fovereign powers, that, in this negotiation, the oftenfible fource of the war, the interefts of the injured parties in France, the blood royal, the nobles, the clergy, were, if mentioned at all, only glanced at in an indirect and indif ferent manner: "Put not your truft in princes *.'

The FAILURE of the EXPEDITION AGAINST IRELAND did not occafion more chagrin, than it's fafe return, at fuch a season, a fatisfaction, not unmixed with pride. The directory, who show great, as

* Pfalms of David.

well

well as neceffary addrefs, in managing the public mind, cafily perfuaded a lively and felf-confident people, that the british fleet was kept fnug in harbour, not by the adverfity of the winds, but by a dread of the armament of the republic; and they found no difficulty in believing what was indeed true, that it was the season only that faved Ireland, at least from a temporary invafion. The preparations at Dunkirk, in order to keep alive the hopes, and employ the minds of men, were continued, and quickened: and they talked now of invading, not Ireland, but England and Scotland. Soon after the return of their fleet, they were farther confoled by the news of a very decifive battle gained by the tremendous Buonaparte over the auftrian army, under general Alvinzy.

But men of penetration obferved, that neither the return of their fleet, boafting even under difappointment, nor the vigorous preparations for future attempts against Britain, nor the complete fuccefs of Buonaparte, made fo great an impreffion on the public mind, as fuch circumstances and events were wont to do in times of a more military and ferocious fpirit, and of greater revolutionary ardour. The minds of men, fick of horrours, and difappointed, fatiated, and difgufted with tumult and revolution, panted after the fecurity of an established government, eager to return to the pursuits of private induftry. A very confiderable change had taken place in the public fpirit. The anniverfary of the death of the king, inhumanly celebrated, by the order of the legislature, excited general horrour and indignation. The fentiments of humanity, and even of a profcribed religion, had begun to refume their place. The various denominations of parties, royalifts, conftitutionalifts, and republicans, under different banners, as it were, but the fame ftandard, declare for order and the exifting laws. There are no other parties now but the lovers of peace, and the lovers of confufion. The union of the greater and beft part of the nation against the terrorifts, and the return of industry, feem to indicate a predifpofition for peace. The approaching election of one third of the affembly will, no doubt, either infufe a degree of this difpofition into the legislature; or, if the directory can ftill maintain an afcendancy, for a longer period, harden them in their councils of war.

SPAIN.

THE pride of Spain in this age of revolution is fo far humbled, that fhe thinks it neceffary to make at leaft a fhow of an alliance, with the murderers of the head of the family of Bourbon. Her mode of carrying on war againft England, by manifeftoes and military preparation, merely, is very inoffenfive, fo alfo, we hope, will her declared hoftility to the hanfeatic towns, though if they continue to open their ports to the fhips of Britain. The arrangements of France with Pruffia reftrain her from marching against thofe towns by land: perhaps the will attack them in gun-boats.

The PORTUGUEZE, if they did not know that the fpaniards are far from acting cordially with their new allies, would not adhere fo conftantly, and truft fo fully, to the protection of England. The commotions that have arifen in fpanish America, it might be imagined, would be fufficient to withdraw the cares and co operation of the fpaniards for the establishment of republicanism in Europe.

ITALY.

THE auftrian army in Italy, under the command of Alvinzi, has been discomfited, and difperfed, after lofing half it's numbers by capture or by death. Mantua has fallen, and the victorious Buonoparte is on his march to

ROME.

The troops of his holiness, very prudently fled back at his approach. The pope was not fo weak as to imagine they could make a ftand against the french: but it was poffible, that his courageous example might re-animate the religious zeal, and infpire bravery into other ftates. Every thing within the power of human conftancy and courage has been performed by the noble auftrians, too much in vain. They could drive back the french across the Rhine, but not revive a military fpirit among their fellow fubjects in Italy. It is not poffible for the emperor, to fend a greater army across the Alps than that which Alvinzi commanded. Buonaparte, victorious and irresistible, will no doubt proceed fouthward, levying fupplies, and republicanizing the towns and diftricts, through which he paffes in his march to the capital.

Yet two dangers await the victors: one near, the other remote. It is poffible, that the french troops may be overtaken by dyfenteries or putrid fevers, and weakened and diminished by the climate, as in former irruptions into Italy. In this cafe, the auftrians might once more come in great force into Lombardy, and cut off their retreat. If, on the other hand, they should be able to maintain their ground, to fubvert the ancient governments, and to establish, in Rome itself and other parts of Italy, the fpirit of republicanism, they might raise up, inftead of allies or advanced potts, the moft formidable rivals and enemies to their own government. For the fpirit of republics is fierce and intractable. Who knows but the french are now employed, in Italy, for maintaining an equilibrium in Europe?

GERMANY.

WILL the emperor make a feparate peace with the french? If not. whether will he fend his chief force against the french into Italy, or into the Netherlands? A kind of fond predilection for Italy, the feat of that empire of which he is a kind of memorial, may perhaps incline him to try the fortune of war, once more, in that corner of the world. But would it not be founder policy to leave Italy to times, feasons, and accidents, and follow up the victories obtained by the archduke on the Rhine? Troops, are in fact, drawn, in great numbers to the lower Rhine, which feem to indicate fome fuch defign as that here recommended. But, in truth, it would be almost madness in the auftrians to continue the conteft with the french, if they can obtain any tolerable terms of peace, unlefs, in this extremity of fortune, and crifis of Europe, they fhould be cordially joined by the great continental powers in the north of Europe. Will the

KING of PRUSSIA neglect an opportunity of fecuring, perhaps extending his dominions on the left bank of the Rhine, and re-establishing the stadtholder, that is, his own family, in the United Provinces,

and