Wealth or learning they are likely to possess; because, apart from prejudice, it is plain that these are the ordinary results of human exertions, as directed to different pursuits, and when justly appreciated and properly used, they imply the substantial comforts and proper ornaments of life.

I have said that our society will ever be divided into classes, and I have referred to what must be regarded as the only permanent distinctions of the highest class. It ought further to be remarked that the constitution of one class is the constitution of every other-that they are only distinguished by different degrees of attainmert-that they propose the same objects of pursuit that no barrier is interposed between them—but that, like the arrangement of guests at the table of Cyrus, merit is promoted from the lowest grades, while imbecility, indolence, folly and vice are constantly receding from the highest. I repeat it, there is none so low in the lowest class, that he may not raise himself to honorable distinction; there is none so high in the highest, as to be secure from degradaion, if he stoop to infamy. This is the alchymy which converts the meanest substances into gold, and which detects alloy in the most glittering metals. These are the principles which are at work in all the changes that we witness and experience, and which lie at the foundation of society as it exists with us. “It is in England,” says Sir Richard Steele, "come into our very language as a propriety of distinction, to say, when we would speak of persons to their advantage—they are people of condition." In America, none can deserve, or should desire higher praise, than to have it said of themthey are people of merit.

The relation of classes in our society deserves to be further considered. Here, as elsewhere, the progress of society is indicated by the degree of advancement of the higher class; but it should be remembered, that here, not as elsewhere, the advancement of the higher class depends altogether upon the improvement of the lower.

In Europe, refinement is co-existent with barbarism; it

being in the nature of her institutions that the extreme of luxury should meet the extreme of want, and that those only should be admitted into high life, who are born in the midst of it. Property and rank are secured to the possessors during life, while the laws of entail and primogeniture provide for their transmission. In this manner a permanent aristocracy is established, which can exist only by virtue of its independence of the great mass of the population; and which will seek to maintain its independence by monopolizing the influences of wealth, knowledge, and even religion. Society is forced to accommodate itself to institutions thus reared and thus sustained. It is "divided horizontally." The upper class becomes such by birth; and the political design is to keep it uppermost by placing within its reach, and by placing beyond the reach of the lower class all social as well as political advantages. It is thus, as I think we may see clearly, that, under every government except our own, the superiority of one class depends upon the inferiority of the other; and that the permanent separation of the two classes is sought to be maintained, as it can only be maintained, by super-adding to political restraints the influence of all the causes that affect the improvement of individuals and society. Such a policy is opposed to reason, and is an offence against nature; and, sooner or later, reason and nature, enabling men to understand their rights, and prompting them to feel their wrongs, by those mighty revulsions, which have so often shaken government and society to their foundations, restore the equilibrium alike essential to political and social harmony.

In our country such a revulsion (not so violent as elsewhere, because preceded by a gradual amelioration), has resulted in a political and social system precisely the reverse of that which has been described. This system is founded in opposite principles; it proposes a different end, and therefore requires a resort to different means. So far from rendering the great body of the people politically powerless, it recognizes the people at large as the rightful possessors of all political power; and so

far from attempting to regulate society, contrary to reason and nature, for the benefit of a part, it leaves society to regulate itself, according to reason and nature, for the benefit of the whole. Conforming to the analogy of nature, while it gathers fruit and flowers from the branches which are above, it proceeds upon the principle that the branches which are above can only grow from the root which is below. Sowing the seeds of improvement every where beneath the surface of society, and to a greater or less depth accordingly as they are designed to rise to a greater or less height, it leaves them exposed to the common influences of the light of knowledge and the vital air of freedom, which, by the law of such a system, must be universally diffused. The seeds being various, their growth and functions will be various; but still, true to nature, the system causes such variety to result in mutual dependence, and the imperfection, which constitutes the dependence of each part, to contribute to the perfection of the whole. The oak supports the ivy-the ivy adorns the oak; and while the giant of the forest, "upreared from the lowest depths," spreads his broad arms to hail the sunshine and to grapple with the storm, he affords a quiet shelter and a peaceful shade to such as neither rise so high nor sink so low, but yet proceed from the same earth, and point upward to the same heaven. Our society, therefore, while it discards absurd and artificial distinctions, retains those which are reasonable and natural. It admits and requires the most minute classification; but it makes each class essential to every other, and relies upon the lowest to sustain and balance all that are above it. To use another metaphor, it seeks to rear in the human desert a pyramid of social happiness, which shall exhibit the perfection of political skill and moral taste, and must therefore be constructed, upon the true principle of architecture, that the elevation of the summit shall bear a fixed proportion to the expansion of the base.

The object of other systems, as has been seen, is, by force of law and prescription, to secure to one class of society the ex

clusive and permanent possession of external advantages. Our system, on the contrary, does not interpose any political barrier against the innumerable vicissitudes, to which it is the obvious design of nature that all classes of society, all human beings, should be ever and every where exposed. With us, it may be asserted in the broadest sense, neither law nor prescription have established any land-marks; and so resistless is the tide of revolution in every sphere of society, that there is practically nothing constant but change. In this view, while exposed to so many vicissitudes, while no reliance can be placed on external circumstances, how much does it become us to multiply those social employments and enjoyments, in which all classes may participate, and to which we may cling, with increasing satisfaction, amidst the alternations of prosperity and adversity, that are here the common lot!

The Lyceum is adapted to the condition of our society. Its doors are open to all. Its objects are interesting to all. Its success must be beneficial to all. It calls together all who wish to improve themselves. It renders them instrumental in the improvement of others. It seeks the good of society by diffusing correct sentiments, liberal feelings, and useful knowledge. It recognizes no distinctions, it creates none but those of intellectual and moral worth. Who does not perceive that at its weekly meetings society assumes a different form from any which in our community is elsewhere exhibited? Here is none of the extravagant display of fashion; a worthier object attracts notice and excites admiration. Here is no excess of luxury; it is incompatible with rational entertainment. Here, on the other hand, is no vulgar sport; the passion for it is extinguished. Here there need be no want of refinement; whatever adorns the character is inspired, fostered, and honored. Here is no arena for political strife or religious controversy; the Lyceum is dedicated to the single object in which all sects and parties may cordially concur. While the characteristic animosities, follies, and vices of all classes are excluded by the avowed purposes of the institution, whatever is estima

ble and virtuous in any one class is readily associated with kindred traits in other classes; and thus while in fact each class is drawn hither by the impulse of a common desire for improvement, all are gradually led to acquire a common taste, a common sympathy, and a common attachment. Is there not here presented a bright combination of social attractions, and a wide scope for the influence of the best principles and the best affections? Who has not experienced that social improvement and enjoyment are blended upon such occasions? Who has not learned to think moreseriously of his social obligations, and to correct his sentiments and feelings in regard to others, towards whom he had suffered himself to cherish unkind prejudices, habitual aversion, or, it may be, a mistaken resentment?

The leading interests of society are to be here studied, discussed, illustrated, and explained. The arts which supply our wants, multiply our comforts, and embellish our external condition-the sciences which lie at the foundation of these arts —the sentiments and habits which fix the standard of public opinion, and give the tone to public morals-whatever concerns us in the intercourse of the world-these are subjects which must constantly recur in lectures and discussions. Practical information, judicious suggestions, seasonable hints, striking views of common relations and duties will thus serve to fill up and enliven the hours which we pass here, and will enable us to go back to our firesides and the ordinary walks of life better fitted for the employments, and with a purer relish for the enjoyments that await us there.

III. I am next to speak of the political rights and privileges, and corresponding obligations and duties of American citizens at the present day.

We have undertaken to govern ourselves. We have chosen to retain in the hands of the many the power, which, whenever entrusted to the few, has been converted into tyranny. We bow to the will of the people as the supreme law.