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from one motive, is, according to this new system of ethics, vicious, when proceeding from another! A parish confiable, we should, no doubt, be told, by these same reasoners, when he informs against there who profane the Sabbath within the limits of his district, is do-, ing his duty, and therefore is 'praiseworthy; but that duty is not the effect of choice, but of compulsion; he is obliged to serve the office to which the duty attaches. Besides, in cases of information, under penal statutes, the constable is just as likely to be stimulated by the prospect of emolument, as any other informer. The office of constable, too, we know, is, very frequently, served by substitute, which substitute is paid for his services; and, in that case, even the pretext of a difference between the constable and any other informer is removed.
“ Those who are impelled to such a task by motives of personal interest • have no claim, indeed, to honour; but considering that, without the aid of
such persons, the laws would often be a dead letter, their usefulness, nay, their absolute neceffity, should, at least, ihelter them from reproach. Their telumony, indeed, on account of the motives by which they are actuated, is general, adnitted to stand in need of confirmation; but when it is properly conti; med, so as to enable a jury to pronounce a verdict of Guilty, its effect is to valuable, that all, who take a comprehensive view of the subjeci, must surely rejoice that such means are to be found; to effectuate the most important object of civil government, the administration of justice.”..
So n. cessary an instrument of justice, indeed, is the informer found to be, that in some cases, and those of a nature highly penal, the legislature have thought proper to make his unsupported evidence suffcient to convict the offender. We could here cite, if it were necer. tary, more instances than one, in which a common informer has rendered very important services to the community, by securing the poor contiumer against the frauds of the opulent trader.
The last charge against the society that we ball notice is, that to a combination of ihat kind is an unjustifiable interference with the duty of magistrates.” But it is rather extraordinary, that although the sagacious fatirills of the society have made this notable discovery, the magistrates themselves, who, we suspect, would be the first to refift any encroachment of their rights, or any interference with their duty, have not found it out. They probably concur with the society in thinking, that " fo far from intei fering with the duty, or encroaching upon the provinces of the magiftrate, they render him the most valu. able alistance, and enable him the more effectually to exercise his functions, by giving him information respecting offenders, whom, piherwise, he might never be able to discover.” This is certainly the cere; bu: when it is added, that " it is the appropriate province of magistrates to act upon cases which are brought before them, and that, in so doing, they are sufficiently occupied, without seeking for violations of the criminal law ;' though we admit the truth of the first part of the statement, we must enter our protest against the last; for certainly it is the duty of magistrates, of police magistrates at least,
laws", so that magilitous, thaolacions cers pe
ethics, vicious we should, no
and indeed, of all magistrates who have officers at their command, to nforms againt
seek for such violators; or, to speak more correctly, to employ their,
officers in the detection of public, offenders against the law. district, is do. I .
The Seventy-two convictions for breaches of the fabbath, alluded to above, uty is not the
'were the result of informations by officers specially charged by the e the office to
magistrates, to seek for such violations of the law. But the fact is, that on, under pe
offenders are so numerous, that it is utterly impossible for any civil by the prol
force which the magistrates can command, to detect a hundredth part of of constable,
them; so that, but for informers, of some description or other, the which subfti.
laws would, in numberless instances, be violated with impunity, to e pretext of a
the vast injury of individuals, and to the great interruption of public is removed.
justice. Even the extraordinary resources, in the chief engines of ersonal interest
police, men and money, pofleffed by the chief magistrate of Bow : out the aid of
street, and employed with as little advantage to public morals as pole efulness, nas,
sible, and which would be productive of ten-fold good, if they were roach. Their duly distributed among the different police officers of the metropolis ;
are actuated, even these resources, we say, would, if properly applied, be utterly hen it is pro- . inadequate to the accomplishment of this object, in a single district, et of Guilty, without other assistance, w of the sub
We are happy to find, that the society have been uncommonly aceffectuate the tive, and uncommonly successful, in the detection and punishment of Eusticeo". a description of offenders, whose occupation is particularly ruinous to found the lower classes of society, but who carry it on with such recrecy as
to render detection extremely difficult. We mean, persons who take illegal insurances in the lottery, or have private lotteries, and little goes. They have been the means of convicting no less than fifty-fix of these offenders, of whom ten were principals, and the rest agents,
To those who are acquainted with the very great difficulty of obtaina og the poor
ing proofs against principals of this description, and indeed against the agents, this must appear an extraordinary exertion of activity, zeal, and perseverance. By this means they have rendered a very effential service to the community.
The closing appeal to the upper classes of society, is animated, eloi quent, and impressive. May it produce the desired effect! So long
as this association shall persist in the same line of proceeding which it heir duty,
has hitherto pursued, it cannot fail to secure the approbation and support of the best part of the British community. As averse as any man can be, from every thing which has a tendency to the introduction of puritanism, in any form or shape; as strongly indisposed, as the mofte candid of our modern reformers, to sanction or commit any act of une due severity, or to impose any harsh or unnecessary restraint on our fellow-subjects; anxious to see the true spirit of Christianity operate, in its natural way, to the diffusion of chearfulness, and to the spread of virtuous satisfaction; abhorrent of inquisitorial measures of every del. cription; and detesting all invasion of domestic privacy: Did we perceive any of these effects likely to be produced by the proceedings of the Society for the Suppression of Vice, we should be the first to deplore their' mistaken virtue, and misguided zeal ; but though we
nal, the le dence suffin were neces. er has ren
is that a h the duty gh the la: Every, the t to refift
society in croaching
poft valu. ercise his
certainly province em, and eking for h of the the latt; at least, . and
have watched them with an attentive, an inquisitive eye, (and shall ftill continue so to watch them,) we have hitherto discovered nothing of the kind. They have done much good, and prevented much evil. Their claim to our applause, therefore, is refiftless; and we give it, not heartily, but cordially. '
for haurk so weit in there
empire. a deep intereses entitled to a
Financial and Political Facts of the Eighteenth and present Century;
with comparative Esimates of the Revenue, Expenditure, Debts, Manufactures, and Commerce of Great Britain. By John M'Arthur, Esq. Fourth Edition, with an Appendix of useful and interesting Documents. The whole revised, corrected, and considerably en
larged. 8vo. Pp. 400. Miller. 1803 U TE have to apologize to the author, as well as to our readers,
Vy for having so long neglected to notice this new and enlarged edition of a work so well entitled to the most serious attention of all who feel a deep interest in the prosperity and welfare of the British empire. It is with much satisfaction that we find our own opinion of its merits, delivered soon after the appearance of the first edition,* and again, on the publication of the third, sanctioned by the concur- . rent approbation of the public; an approbation not obtained by those adventitious aids which a spirit of party so frequently affords; but refulting exclusively from a firm conviction of the accuracy and importance of the facts which the work exhibits, and of its extreme usefulness in the conveyance of correct notions on questions of great consequence, and in the corredion of talle principles and estimates of ignorance and prejudice.
Besides the additions introduced into the body of the work, we have a new introduction to the present edition, of sixty pages, the size of a moderate pamhplet. Here the author successfully combats an assailant, who, it appears, had recently attacked him, and who, though porsesling many excellent qualities, and much information of a particular kind, seems unable to bear a rival or competitor, in the science of political economy. But if he be fully determined to stand alone and unsupported, we advise him to limit his lucubrations to his newlydiscovered science of moral arithmetic, in which, we venture to assure . him, he will meet with no competition, but reap, single and unaided, all the (undivided) honours which may result from the invention of pursựit of it. His first essay, indeed, in the application of this new science, was not very well calculated to encourage him to proceed to farther researches; and we are curious to learn by what rule of that arithmetic the instability of the peace which was avowedly founded on it, is to be proved or explained. That peace produced an addition to our enemy's resources; a subtraction from our own consequence;
nd chall anothing ch evil, give it,
licais the language of Practice, and dentication of our dificus
division in our councils ; and a multiplication of our difficulties; it
Tu ne cede malis, fed contra audentior ito,
wars of 1756 and 1793, and comparing them with the preceding years of peace!
« If Mr. Chalmers will for once listen to facts with forbearance and temper, I could teil him that it required no supernatural talents to announce to the world so simple a truth. And may his mind, if not already too much perturbed by the praises beltowed on his cotemporaries, derive every comfort from this consoling discovery! Weak minds indeed will be astonihed, that among the crowd of writers on commercial and political subjects, who from tiine to time hare given their opinions to the world, no one ihould have hitherto had sufficient sagacity to discover so obvious a fact. A proposition indeed so self-evident, that any school-boy who glances his eye at the table of exports in the Appendix may readily perceive. But why did Mr. Chalmers stop short in edifying his readers, without assigning causes for this point of depression in trade at the commencement of every war? Was it because the charms of his discovery would have vanilhed, since the causes are as obvious as the effects ? Are they not produced by the commercial world being struck with a panic at the commencement of every war? Do not many merchants go out of the freighting business? Does not a temporary stagnation of trade take place, and do not bankruptcies frequently ensue, &c. ?
** Let me now ask any unprejudiced reader by what perversion of ideas can Mr. Chalmers make a coincidence of my sentiments with his, even in the mutilated passage he has quoted from the Financial Facts? and on what principles can he justify the unqualified censure he has bestowed ? I have jaid, page 30, former edition, and retain in the present, page 26, “It is no less curious than interelting to observe, that in every war since the Revolu. tion (except the present, and the war of 1756), our exports, compared with an equal number of years in the preceding peace, were always considerably diminished; but that soon after the return of peace the value of exports, after experiencing fome fluctuations, rose beyond their former level.' Here Mr. Chalmers with some degree of cunning stopped short without giving the context, which the reader will find by turning to the proofs and illustra. tions of my proposition inserted in a note on the very next page *; where, by estimating the annual average exports for three, four, or five years in peace and in war, at different periods during the century, I have most incontrovertibly proved my proposition, and that with the exception of the war of 1756 and 1793, the exports were invariably less than in the preceding peace.
« Proofs of the Exceptions made in my Proposition as inserted in the third Editions
• and retained in this. • The annual average of exports for five years in the war of f.
1756, viz. from 1757 to 1761 inclusive, amounted to 15,989,552 “ Annual average of exports for five years in the preceding' . peace, viz. from 1750 to 1754 inclusive
6 * Page 31 third edition, and page 27 of the present.