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(Hift. Gen. cap. xxxii.) And Dr. Jofeph Warton, in his effay on Pope, remarks, that those who have most accurately examined the ground, can difcover no mark or footstep of any other place or habitation, parish, or church, or caftle, than what at prefent remains." (p. 112.)

The only other paffage in this chapter which we fhall notice, relates to the inftitutions of chivalry; and we quote it, partly on account of its intrinfic merit, but chiefly because it exhibits a proof of the melioration of our author's fentiments particularly on a moft important fubject, the right eftimation of the female character. The paffage is this:

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"Most of the diverfions already spoken of tend more to familiarize, than grace in our conceptions, the perfons of our ancestors. The cafe is far different with the jufts and the tournaments, which remain to be mentioned. Thefe are intimately connected with thofe modes and prejudices of chivalry, to which modern Europe is indebted for the particulars by which the is moft diftinguished from the nations of the ancient world. The principles of honour, and the laws of gallantry, are the offspring of the darker ages and the feudal times; and the tournament was one of the most confpicuous of the modes by which these principles and laws were maintained. Whatever objections may be urged against the train of thinking in our anceftors on these points, and whatever folidity there may be in fome of the e objections, it cannot be denied that the theories of honour and [of] gallantry were fraught with many advantages; and ftill lefs can it be denied, that the actions and habits which flowed from them are of the most poetical caft, and deeply interefting to the imagination. The education of a candidate for knighthood, the sentiments with which he was imbued, his lofty courage, his unstained truth, the loyalty and ingenuousness of his mind, the enthusiastic veneration [which] he enter tained for female beauty when united with female virtue, and the vocation [which] he felt in himself to be ever ready in the service of the oppresssd, combine to present to us one of the most pleasing and honourable forms of which the human mind is susceptible." (Pp. 124, 125.)

Mr. G.'s eighth chapter is excellent thoughout. The subject of it is the hiftory of our ancient architecture, religious, military, and civil. What is called the early Gothic ftyle was brought over into Britain by thofe priefts who converted our Saxon ancestors to the Christian faith. It was improved by the Normans, who were incredibly expenfive and zealous in their paffion for facred edifices; and accordingly we find that all our cathedrals, and moft of our abbey-churches, and an innumerable multitude of parochial ones, were either wholly rebuilt, or greatly improved, within lefs than a century after the conqueft." (p. 140.) Concerning the rife of the latter Gothic style there is fome difpute; but the period of its greateft fplendour was during the thirteenth century; and it continued to be the ruling ftyle to the time of the Reformation. Its great characteriftic is the pointed arch. It is alfo diftinguifhed by the flendernefs of the pillars, the formation of the roof by the fucceffive interfections of curves, and the prominent butreffes on the outfide of the walls. Its greateft improvement was the introduction, in the reign of Edward II., of thofe large

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and fplendid eaft and weft windows, which, with their tranfparent reprefentations of apoftles, faints, and martyrs, form one of the moft ftriking and impreffive ornaments of our English collegiate churches and cathedrals."

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Our author has entered into a difquifition, in which the Gothic architecture is compared with the Grecian, and the early Gothic with the latter. Although we do not agree, on this point, entirely with Mr. Godwin, the comparifon is, in general, creditable to his tafte: but we cannot afford room for any part of it. He next proceeds to ancient caftles, of which the multiplicity was inconceivable. takes a minute well-digefted furvey of all their parts and appendages, under the distinct heads of the wall, the ditch, the outer- bridge, the barracks, the chapel, the principal tower or keep, the artificial mount, the portal, the draw-bridge, the veftibule, the portcullis, the fecond portal, the apartments, the loops and windows, the wells, the fallyport, and the fubterraneous paffages. Our readers, we think, will not fail to be pleased with our author's picture of the ftyle of living in the middle ages; and we hope that they will be particularly pleafed with the two concluding fentences, which ftrongly indicate how greatly Mr. G. has improved in sobriety and justness of thinking.

"Confiderable light may be thrown upon the manner of living of our ancestors, from a careful examination of the remains of their once proud places of refidence. Their palaces and manor-houfes always included one fpacious apartment, where the lord was accustomed frequently to dine with his guefts, and the whole hoft of his retainers: fuch was originally Weftminfter Hall in the old palace of Weftminster; and fuch was the part which is yet standing of the palace of our ancient fovereigns at Eltham. Many tables were fet out, in thefe halls, for the reception of a great multitude of guests; and, instead of the fecond and third tables maintained at prefent, in the houses of our more opulent nobility, in feparate apartments, the whole body of those who were fed at the lord's expence fat down at once,` in the times [which] we are confidering, in the great hall; the fervants often dining in the fame room, when their fuperiors had been already fupplied and fatisfied. Diftinctions of a grofs fort, but fufficiently adapted to the apprehenfion of the age, were introduced to diftinguish the gradations of rank in this mifcellaneous affembly. The whole room was paved with free-stone, or fometimes had for its floor the bare earth, hardened by the continual tread of feet to the confiftency of ftone. At the end was upper a raised floor of planks, where the lord and his family, with his most diftinguished guests, were feated, called the dais, from the French word ais, or the Latin assis, with the prepofition prefixed, fignifying of planks. On fome occafions, and in public royal entertainments, there were feveral of these dais elevated one above the other. Another mode of diftinétion was by a large falt-cellar, placed in the middle of a long table, while a finer fort of bread, and the choicer wines, were never circulated below the falt-cellar. Yet in these which may on some accounts be styled ruder times, and with distinctions to our conception so insulting, there was often between the higher and lower parties in the connection an affection which is now almost forgotten. The dignity of the lord was kind, considerate, and fatherly, placing its pride in benefits, and not in oppression; and the submission of the inferior, which had also its pride, the pride of fidelity, the

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pride of liberal service and inviolate attachment, was a submission less conscious of terror, than of reverence and filial esteem." (Pp. 158, 159.)

(To be continued.)

Biffet's Hiftory of the Reign of George III.
(Continued from Vol. XVII. P. 260.)

UR author follows political enthusiasm, from France to Britain;

Birmingham riots and the conduct of Dr. Prieftley thereon, with a comparison of Priestley and Paine. Democratic principles were rapidly and extenfively diffused, as was alfo fuperficial literature a great friend and faithful fervant of democracy. Female writers had their fhare, and at their head Mary Anne Woolftonecroft, who, in a performance entitled The Rights of Women, vindicated to the fex an exemption from various restrictions to which women had been hitherto fubjected from the tyranny and ariftocracy of men; but firft and principally from the reftraint of chastity. Political clubs and debating focieties conduced to the fame end, but the moft rapid engine was Tom Paine's Rights of Man, circulated in cheap editions among the vulgar. While fo many literary underlings favoured the French revolution, a few men of genius and erudition, befides Price and Prieftley fupported the fame cause, and at their head Mr. Mackintosh. In no part of the work does our author appear to greater advantage than in marking the progreffions of public opinion or fentiment at thofe very interefting periods. In the Parliamentary Hiftory of 1792, the atten tion of the reader is chiefly arrested by difcuffions on the French revolution, and propofitions of political change; Dr. B. precifely marks the difference between Meffrs. Fox and Burke, of statesmen the chief advocates for and against the French revolution; and demonftrates, that oppofite as they were, they were refpectively confiftent then and afterwards, that if we admitted the premises of either, we must subfcribe to their conclufion. The narrative proceeds to the fociety of the friends of the people. The intention our hiftorian deems good but the tendency dangerous. The latter pofition we most readily admit, of the first we entertain doubts. Indeed, our author himself clearly proves the danger and actual mifchief in the fubfequent narrative, but the goodness of the intentions he only infers as probable from the character and fituation of the members. The friends of the people eventually produced the affiliated political clubs, fince fo well known under the name of the correfponding fociety. The fecretary of thefe politicians was one Thomas Hardy, a fhoe-maker: their oftenfible plan was under the aufpices of this fhoe maker, and others of equal poli tical ability and importance in the community, to effect a change in Parliament. Their great Preceptor was Thomas Paine. A procla mation was iffued to prevent the circulation of feditious writings.

In thefe anticipatory measures, many who had been before in oppofition joined minifters, the heir-apparent fpoke on the fide of government and conftitutional order, a forcible and eloquent fpeech which our author very properly cites. In his account of the police and police-bill, our author prefents a short and able view of London. Lord Rawdon proposed for the relief of debtors and benefit of creditors, a bill, the purpofe and principle of which, our hiftorian greatly praises. His lordship's object was, on the one hand, to compel the debtor to give up all that he poffeffed; on the other, to prevent the creditor, after fuch a ceffion of effects, from confining the debtor in jail for life. The abolition of the flave trade was carried in the Commons, but rejected by the Peers. The Duke of Clarence diftinguished himself by a fpeech against this measure. "His repeated orations (fays our author,) on this fubject, exhibited and enforced every argument, from either humanity, juftice, political and commercial expediency, that could be adduced, and his clear and manly reasonings conftitute the moft fatisfactory and complete treatise which has hitherto appeared on that fide of the queftion." Commerce was in a moft flourishing state, and expectations were entertained of reducing the national debt. The narrative proceeds to the rife, progrefs, and termination of the war in India.

France now chiefly attracted the attention of Europe, Britain forbore interfering, Catharine, to promote her own views refpecting Poland, endeavoured to embroil the German powers in war with France, but Leopold was cautious, and in the opinion of counter revolutionists dilatory. A convention was concluded at Pilnitz for preferving the tranquillity of Europe, and with that view by pacific influence to establish a moderate and limited monarchy in France. Our author notices the fabrication that many fo long received and reafoned on as the treaty of Pilnitz. The French proceeded to change the law of nations as fuited their convenience, and to encroach on the rights of German princes. Pruffia and the emperor formed a confederacy for defending the Germanic rights, the French declared war, and invaded the Netherlands, but with little fuccefs. The Duke of Brunfwie took the command of the German armies, and published a threat. ening manifefto which our hiftorian deems unwife and hurtful, as driving the contending parties of France to union in fupport of national independence. Our author now conducts us to Paris, exhibits the rapid diminution of kingly power; the various claffes and denominations of citizens; the atrocities of the roth of August, and the depofition of king; the furious march of atheism and anarchy; the perfecution of priests; the maffacres of September; the meeting of the national convention; and the abolition of monarchy. In this ftate of French liberty are offered the congratulations of the English Thefe communications our author, without deviating from the dignified gravity of hiftory, fo juftly and ftrongly reprefents as to convey a very fevere fatire on the attempts of fuch politicians.

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"The French Convention really fuppofed thofe worthies fpoke the voice of the British nation, and that Thomas Hardy, diflenting shoe-maker, Thomas Paine, cahiered excifeman and deilt, Maurice Margarot, knife-grinder and deift, in conveying their own praises of deftruction of rank, property, and monarchy, including the mallacres of Auguft and September, echoed the feelings of all free Britons, and that they might foon expect through the British people, the co-operation of the British force. Pleafed with attef tations of which they fo much over-rated the value, the convention proceeded in a series of measures no lets conformable to their own fentiments, than thofe of their panegyrifts, their operations were directed principally to two objects plunder and regicide. The Duke of Brunswick entered France, but found it expedient to retreat; the French, elated with this, entered the Netherlands, gained the battle of Jannappe, over-ran the country, propofed to open the Scheldt, to conquer and revolutionize all countries, and with that view iffued the decree of the 19th of November. In Britain during the recefs of 1792, the public ferment increased, the democratical republicans confidently hope for a change, many friends of the conftitution were greatly alarmed, Mr. Reeves formed an allociation against republicans and levellers, which was very generally joined and gave an important turn to public opinion. At fuch a critis his Majefty called Parliament before the appointed time, the chief fubjects of deliberation resulted from the operation of jacobinical principies, and the advances of French power. The great majority of Parliament conceived that a defign exifted for revolutionizing the country. It had not, they admitted, produced fuch overt acts as to afford grounds for judical procefs; but had difcovered, and even manifefted, fuch objects and tendencies as demanded the counteraction of deliberative wifdom. A fmall but able band, headed by Mr. Fox, ridiculed and reprobated this apprehenfion; they faid it was a mere Chimera, like the Popish plot of Titus Oates; that it fprang from the eloquent mifreprefentations of Mr. Bu.ke's invectives against the French revolution, and was fupported by minifters to promote an alarm; divide the whigs; oppofe the fpirit of liberty and the reform of Parliament, and facilitate hoftility, with France."

The hiftory now states the relative conduct of Britain and France, and prefents in a clear and connected feries the proofs that France was the aggreffor. The evidence, indeed, is fo ftrong and fo incontrovertible, that we can give our historian no credit for adopting this opinion, at the fame time, we must allow him the credit of skilfully and ably arranging the proofs. The trial, condemnation, and death of Louis XVI. is exhibited with the impartiality of an hifterian, but the indignant reprobation of virtue against fuch enormous iniquity. In a fine climax he fums up the complicated atrocity of the process in principle, fubftance, and mode.

"By the established conftitution, and which fubfifled during all the time that he had any power to act, his perfon was inviolable. But if his perfon had not been by law inviolable, the affembly which prefumed to try him was not a competent court, The national convention, even though admitted to be the delegates of the people fairly chofen, were not delegates beyond the extent of their commiffions: they were chofen by the people as their legiflative reprefentatives only. In exercifing a judicial power, they were not a lawful

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